Thursday, May 31, 2012

IGAD: Horn’s unserviceable stooge and utensil


By T, Staffer of De Birhan Media
31-05-2012

The Ethiopian regime’s embassies worldwide mainly those in Europe and beyond the Atlantic have begun reaching Somali and Eritrean communities in the Diaspora and holding lavish meetings with them. This comes as a surprise to many Ethiopians as their own Embassy that has never helped or reached but to mole now refocuses and engages with the Somalia Diaspora. Especially this month,prior and after the 21st anniversary of Ginbot 20, the date the regime toppled the communist Dictator Mengistu Hailemariam, meetings with Somali communities in Europe have been held.

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The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in Eastern Africa was created in 1996 to supersede the Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD) which was founded in 1986 reads the Authority's Website.  The new mandate was adopted in March 1996 at the Nairobi summit and the organization was renamed the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD). The 1996 IGAD agreement included among its principles the peaceful settlement of conflicts, the maintenance of regional peace, stability and security, and the protection of human and peoples’ rights.  Headquartered in Djibouti, IGAD has a total area of 5,233,604Km2, a population of 187,969,775, 1,197 per capita, and seven member states namely; Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda. Eritrea had suspended itself from membership.

The IGAD Partners Forum (IPF) consists of Austria, BelgiumCanada, Denmark, France, Greece, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, United States of America, European Commission, and International Organization for Migration, United Nations Development Programme and  World Bank.  The present co-chairmanship of IPF is the Italian Government.

   
IGAD is an unserviceable stooge

Sally Healy’s 2011 paper seeking peace and security in the Horn of Africa: the contribution of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development is one of the few studies conducted on the Inter-Governmental Authority. As to Sally, one of the remarkable accomplishments of IGAD is the signing of the Sudan and Somali peace agreements in quick succession in late 2004 and early 2005. IGAD assisted in talks that produced Somalia's Transitional Federal Government in 2004. According to Sally a sort of ‘deadline diplomacy’ was created due to its financial dependences on donor countries that attached deadlines on diplomacy. Despite the successful mediations in Sudan and Somalia, IGAD is still far from providing an institutional basis for regional security in the Horn of Africa.

Sally furthermore asserts, the absence of a country that plays a “regional leadership role” as South Africa and Nigeria do in their own regions was it weakens, “Ethiopia’s recent efforts to secure this position for itself (for example, in Somalia) appear to have made matters worse.”  Kenya which is well head in many aspects from the member states has been focusing on together with Uganda on the East African Community project and the regional block has not been assertive enough to bring back or divert these members.

According to the official Website of IGAD, the mission is to assist and complement the efforts of the Member States to achieve through increased cooperation:
  • Food Security and environmental protection: Two of the main objectives of IGAD that relate to this mission are to : Achieve regional food security and encourage and assist efforts of Member States to collectively combat drought and other natural and man-made disasters and their natural consequences; Initiate and promote programmes and projects to achieve regional food security and sustainable development of natural resources and environment protection, and encourage and assist efforts of Member States to collectively combat drought and other natural and man-made disasters and their consequences. This mission of IGAD is the most baffling of all and evidence against itself why the Grouping should soon be overhauled. The IGAD region since its establishment has never been able to predict drought and food insecurity and help the people of the region to be self-sufficient in food. Annoyingly enough, the worst drought in the world has recently been in the IGAD region. A report by Bloomberg on May 31, 2012 states Ethiopia faces more hunger after late rains caused crop damage in the south. “In Ethiopia a deterioration of the food security situation should be expected over the coming five months,” Judith Schuler, a spokeswoman for the World Food Programme told Bloomberg. What has IGAD done ever since its establishment in achieving its objectives? In short, IGAD worsened or indirectly contributed to the increasing food insecurity situation in the Region.
  • Promotion and maintenance of peace and security and humanitarian affairs, and, Border conflict, internal instability and undemocratic states hinder this mission of IGAD. For instance, IGAD’s Conflict Early Warning and Response Mechanism (CEWARN) that monitors three areas of pastoral border conflict has not been able to either predict, monitor or resolve conflicts within the borders of these countries. For example pastoralists between Ethiopian and Kenyan border often conflict with human and property loss. Sally states “Since IGAD added peace and security to its mandate there has been no appreciable reduction in the level of conflict in the Horn of Africa or any significant signs of movement towards collective security arrangements.” The instability of Somalia that was not handled but rather propelled IGAD member states is one good case. Sudan has not been stable for long and is now kept apart from its Southern counterpart by external peacekeepers.   Ethiopia and Eritrea remain to be the main perils of regional instability. Both have been in stalemate with on and off border attacks. Both arm the opponents of each regime and are involved in proxy war in Somalia and neighboring countries.  “Their intense mutual hostility continues to poison regional relations and remains the key obstacle to developing a more robust regional security framework.” Sally points out. In its Khartoum Declaration, the 8th Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development recommended a number of concrete measures to be taken by Member States. These included: "Encouraging regional associations among civil society institutions at the national level to enhance their contribution to the effort of promoting participatory democracy across the region." Funnily, the opposite is true as all the member states of IGAD except Kenya are enemies of NGOs and CSOs. What makes this declaration a nullity is the fact that IGAD has no member state that has a democratically elected leader or government. At times the Authority argues on behalf of war criminals such as Omar Al Bashir of Sudan warrants by the International Criminal Court.

  • Economic cooperation and integration. Since 2008 with initiatives to improve the investment, trade and banking environments of member states IGAD stressed the deployment of highly innovative programs and mechanisms however; the regional block has not brought any negligible economic cooperation or integration between inter-states and the region as a whole. For example Ethiopia-Sudan and Ethiopia-Kenya have made border agreements to open and free trade. The free trade and travel agreements were less implementable due to non-demarcated borders, ethnic conflicts, and illegal migration. Moreover, most of these countries don’t have stable and saturated economies thus makes economic cooperation very difficult. 

Vs ECOWAS

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is a regional group of fifteen West African countries. Founded on 28 May 1975, with the signing of the Treaty of Lagos, its mission is to promote economic integration across the region. ECOWAS is the Western African counterpart of IGAD. ECOWAS since its establishment has made greatest strides in the region in all terms and is proving as an unexceptionable regional block. One of its achievements is the production of ECOWAS passport that unifies and globalises all member countries. Since its establishment ECOWAS has been practical in achieving the following : the establishment of an Allied Armed Force of the Community,  ECOWAS Community Court of Justice, West African Economic and Monetary Union,  West African CFA franc,  common external tariff, ECOWAS has also been able in preventing and solving regional and intrastate conflicts. It has been able to show many recognisable economic and political advances in the Region surpassing other regions and countries of Africa. The only regional block that competes with it is Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). The major reasons for its success are its accountability to the people of the region and the aims of the Organisation. Comparatively analyzing IGAD with ECOWAS leaves IGAD at a disadvantage of incompatibility due to its multi-pronged weaknesses. 

Conclusion

Sally's study notes that IGAD's secretariat played no visible role in containing or resolving the serious conflicts of the last five years in Darfur, in the Ogaden, in Mogadishu, in Kenya, in South Sudan or between Eritrea and Djibouti.  IGAD is a mere security proxy and stooge of few Western puppet states such as Meles’ Ethiopia and Kenya. While IGAD was established with the aim and mission of working for the people of the region, it has totally forgotten its nascent dreams and now remains as an unserviceable utensil for the people of the region. Dictatorial states of IGAD cooperate to hunt, extradite and harass their critics and rebels. Funding contributions from Donors is used for such purposes of cross border rebel and critics control in the name of preventing piracy, radicalism and crimes. The volatility of the region, keeps IGAD and the dictatorial member states at a competitive advantage of getting immense/blind support (financial, diplomatic, political and military). It has become accountable to the IPF than the larger population of the IGAD region leaving the region’s populace in the ditch. IGAD needs to be overhauled. Its current format, mission and performance makes the clarion call for it to be overhauled timely. Some recommendations for the strengthening of IGAD could be; having members from opposition parties, think tanks, NGOs and human rights organisations as members or observers of the Authority, electing the heads and members of the secretariat, Assembly of Heads of State and Government through a free and fair election from the public, changing the current structure of IGAD leadership and member appointment and election system. Funders should consider the risks that accompany helping an ineffective regional Authority dominated by unelected leaders, unstable and undemocratic regimes with parties that promote their self-interests. If funders and IPF look at longer term strategic gains from and in the region, they should work towards stabilising and democratising the member states apriori.

Tuesday, May 29, 2012

Which African countries lead in "democracy and free market "? Ethiopia not in the list

By T, Staffer of De Birhan Media 
29-05-2012

Many Think Tanks, NGOs, Associations and Non Profits hold their own awards, rankings and grading of best African leaders, democratic, free states and the like using their own measurements. One of such Centers is, The African Presidential Center at Boston University (APARC). The Center studies  democratization and free market reform in Africa. According to the official website of the Center, its missions are to:  (i) chronicle the phase in Africa's development, (ii) encourage a multidisciplinary approach to teaching about Africa, and (iii) establish a forum for African leaders to engage other political, business, academic, and public sector leaders regarding Africa's global relationships.

The Center also organizes and produces programs and annual reports on democratization and free market reform in Africa such as African Leaders State of Africa Report - an annual report presenting the perspectives of select African heads of state relative to their respective countries and regions. The African Presidential Center at Boston University is directed by Ambassador Charles Stith, former US envoy to Tanzania under President Bill Clinton. 

Accordingly, the Center names and studies African countries that are leading the way in "Democracy and free market reform". Since 2002 it has been naming 16 African countries for leading the way to democracy and free market reform. Ethiopia has never been in any of the list. The Western "darling dictator Meles Zenawi" has never been in the list of the leaders too. The Center states,
APARC focuses on 16 African countries and the past and present leaders of those countries. Like the 13 colonies that drove the development of the United States and the Americas, there are 16 nation states in Africa that are leading the way in terms of Africa's development along democratic and free market lines.
The 16 countries that have been continually selected by the Center are: 

Former democratically elected leaders of these countries, their leaders who transferred power democratically and peacefully are members of the Center. These former leaders also benefit from various opportunities that the Center offers.  You can go to the Center's Website Here and surf in detail.
When will our nation, Ethiopia, join the list?

Sunday, May 27, 2012

Development propaganda or Journalism?


By T, staffer of De Birhan Media
28-5-2012

This thesis would in general try to asses development reporting and journalism in the developing world’s media. Cognizant of the complexity of under development and its multi dimensional effects and also the re-emergence of development communication, this write up attempts to analyse development journalism in developing countries from a birds eye view.

 Literature

Reaching a mass, educating and bringing changes within a society are mostly made most possible by mass communication. Mass communication itself can take different forms and be done with various mechanics and methodologies. Development communication (Journalism) is one of the genres of communication (mass) that is highly focused on developing countries with the aim of lifting them out of abject poverty and stepping on the development ladder. Propaganda is another genre of mass communication that shares aspects from politics, sociology, psychology and journalism itself. According to indiastudychannel.com, coined in 1968 at press foundation of Asia conference in the Phillipines, the term (Development journalism) refers to the press's catalytic role in the socio-economic development in developing countries. While in the case of propaganda ,Richard Alan Nelson (1996) neutrally defines propaganda as a systematic form of purposeful persuasion that attempts to influence the emotions, attitudes, opinions, and actions of specified target audiences for ideological, political or commercial purposes through the controlled transmission of one-sided messages (which may or may not be factual) via mass and direct media channels. A propaganda organization employs propagandists who engage in propagandism—the applied creation and distribution of such forms of persuasion." In light of such definitions in mind and aware of the dangers and benefits such reporting brings, it is worth analysing the type of development journalism and its weaknesses in the developing world. The literature has it that the capacity of mass communication especially one that is of persuasive qualities in guiding, influencing and indoctrinating groups and societies is of immense goals and objectives including poverty reduction and development.

Ethiopia’s development journalism document

Yet ungratified but used officially, the 48pages, Ethiopian development journalism policy document interrogates “philosophical and operational” issues. Ethiopia might be the only African country with such a policy document (Skjerdal, 2011).

This policy document defines development journalism as,

Development journalism is a journalism that makes people understand, accept and actively participate in the implementation of appropriate development ideas that may extricate people from poverty and backwardness by bringing about rapid national change and building on positive values of development and democratic change. (Ethiopian policy document on development journalism, EPA 2008) in Skjerdal (2011).

Positive success stories and positive promotion of development are the pillars of Ethiopia’s Policy Document on Development Journalism. The Document and internal administrative rules advocate the application pro- government, pro-development news reports. Investigation is neither promoted nor cultured. The following news is one of the many typical development reports practiced by the government media such as Ethiopian News Agency. This news was written on May 6, 2012.

Construction of 17 safe water facilities finalized
S.Tigray, May 6, 2012 (Maichew) - Construction of 17 safe water projects launched in Raya-Alamata Woreda, Southern Tigray Zone with over three million Birr has been finalized, the woreda information and public relation office said. Office Representative, Amanuel Gedamu told ENA over the weekend that the facilities include digging of ten water wells and development of seven springs. Amanuel said 9000 farmers will benefit from the facilities constructed in areas, which had no access to safe water service. He said the facilities will help to raise the service to 60 per cent from the previous 43 per cent. The regional government and the woreda administration allocated the budget for construction of the facilities.

The above news item does not critically examine the source of funding, if it was properly used, the complaints of the community, the views of the engineers and local stakeholders; if there have been complaints during the construction from any side and related critical questions.

Development journalism is given as an elective course within many African universities that teach journalism. The course is popularly called DJ or DC acronym for Development Journalism and Development Communication. African journalism students who aspire to see the development and progress of their nation study it with enthusiasm and dedication to apply it broadly as soon as they join the work force and life of reportorial.
‘Development journalism’ was said to have emerged in South East Asia in the 1960s in the case of Afria  Ghana’s Kwame has been credited to have promoted development journalism.   Hemant Shah’s 2008 paper titled “development journalism” emphasises this view saying,
Development journalism was conceived in the 1960s at the Press Foundation of Asia (PFA), where Filipino journalists Alan Chalkley and Juan Mercado were concerned that news organizations were inadequately covering socio-economic development. Journalists were reporting government press releases and quotes but giving little attention to detailed analysis, interpretation, or evaluation of development.
The author also states that the meetings of the 1970s and 80s that were popularly called   New World Information and Communication Order [NWICO] debate were also the emerging periods of development communication when countries of the South argued that media of the North misrepresented them and that they needed development journalism to avert that.

The Asian Development Journalism
Dixit, a Nepali journalist who was the regional director for Asia Pacific of the Inter Press Service (IPS) news agency from 1991 to 1997, said in an internal memo to journalism staff in 1993: 

Development journalism has been done so sloppily for so long by so many people that when you mention DJ, their eyes glaze over. One thing you don’t say nowadays when you introduce IPS (Inter Press Service) is that we specialise in development journalism. The concept and need for development journalism is still valid. Unfortunately the phrase is tattered and hackneyed because it has been sabotaged by violently unreadable writers. 

IPS, which was originally set up in the 1960s by a group of Latin  American journalists living in Europe and unhappy with the Western media’s negative reporting of their continent, specialises in develop-ment journalism and is very much modelled on Tarzie Vitachi’s vision of a ‘critical assessment’ of the development process (Vitachi, 1987).

Media in Asia argue in their development reports argue that the media are hardly keeping an eye on government and relief agencies in terms of helping to ensure that monies raised and aid get to the needy. They argue that “Questions are not being asked about why reconstruction efforts are taking so long to complete, or why some aid agencies are not following the Red Cross’s code of ethics for relief work and rather, are more interested in proselytising.”  The media in Asia focus on the critical aspect of the development story than merely reporting the success and positive side of it.  Development news should examine development plans critically, evaluate and point out disparities between the original plan and actual implementation (Aggarwala, 1979). In the few cases of development news reports that I have come across, the above prerequisites of development journalism by Aggarwala were applied but in the Ethiopian.


Conclusion

If Ethiopian journalists are going to adopt a better form of development journalism; it should not only oppose or be inquisitive of the government ideological sprout developmental democracy but also try not to reflect Western perspectives, prejudices and misconceptions that are blindly followed by African journalists and are reproduced locally. If development journalism was going to be against the New World Order remaking the image of the South/Africa, then Ethiopian developmental journalists should consider the balancing of Ethiopia’s image at the world fora too. Studies on media ownership and proportion of development news coverage show that conglomerate-controlled newspapers cover more governmental news than development news in comparison to independent newspapers (Vilanilam, 1979b). Same was the case in the Ethiopian media be it online News agencies such as Ethiopian News Agency and Walta or the government owned broadcast and print media. They all reported development stories from a positive and success story angle making them propaganda and mouth pieces of the incumbent. In addition to that, the developmental journalism policy of 2008 stipulated what the journalist in the government media should and should not do. As a nation and government that is increasingly going “developmental authoritarian”, policies and programs that are tuned to the developmental rhetoric of the incumbent have entered every sector from arts, politics, business to mass media and many other. They reported either just "what they were told" or "served as conduits of whatever the regime leaked as developmental". The developmental state that is statist by its nature promoting full government interference and leadership in all sectors memos and does the same with the media. Therefore, it won’t be hasty to generalise that the media in Ethiopia except few private press are and perform a kind of development reporting that could be called propaganda journalism.

References:

Aggarwala, N.K. (1978). News with third world perspective: A practical suggestion. In P.C. Horton (Ed.), the third world and press freedom (97-209). New York: Praeger
Jowett, Garth S. and O'Donnell, Victoria (2006)Propaganda and Persuasion 4th edition. Thousand Oaks, Sage Publications

Nelson, Richard Alan (1996). A Chronology and Glossary of Propaganda in the United States. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press

Punch, Keith F (1998) Introduction to Social Research: Quantitative and Qualitative Approaches. London: SAGE Publications

Shoemaker, P.& Reese,S.(1996)Mediating the Message: Theories of  Influences on the Mass Media Content. NY. Longman http://www.indiastudychannel.com/resources/99080-What-Development-Journalism.aspx
EPA (Ethiopian Press Agency). 2008, April. Basis and directives for an operational philosophy of our democratic and developmental media. Draft policy document.
Skjerdal, T. 2011. Development journalism revived: The case of Ethiopia African Journalism Studies 32(2), 58–74

Shah H. (2008) Development Journalism, The International Encyclopedia of Communication http://www.communicationencyclopedia.com/public/tocnode?query=studies&widen=1&result_number=1326&from=search&id=g9781405131995_yr2012_chunk_g97814051319959_ss31-1&type=std&fuzzy=0&slop=1


Vilanilam, J. V. (1979b). Ownership verses development news content: An analysis of independent and conglomerate newspapers of India. In J. A. Lent & J. V.  Vilanilam (Eds.), the use of development news: Case studies in India, Malaysia, Ghana, and Thailand. Singapore: Asian Mass Communication Research and Information Center.

Wednesday, May 23, 2012

A SWOT Analysis of Ethiopian opposition parties and movements in the Diaspora


By T, Staffer of De Birhan Media
24 May 2012

First I would analyse political parties found outside Ethiopia. In another issue, I will deal with home based parties but I consider them as “choked and paralyzed”. The slight motion so far has been by those based/active in the Diaspora. Parties and movements established under ethno nationalistic and unitary stances are both lumped up and analysed here. I am doing so because with my subjective comparison, I found both polar having relatively the same objectives and goals. The overarching objective of most of these parties is removing the incumbent regime of Meles Zenawi. These parties can use the following or do their own SWOT Analysis and re-strategize their strategic goals and objectives. SWOT is an acronym for Strength, Weakness, Opportunities and Threat. Naga Jyothi et al in their 2008 paper Object Oriented and Multi-Scale Image Analysis: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats-A Review say, in theory, SWOTs are used as inputs to the creative generation of possible strategies, by asking and answering the following four questions numerous times:

• How can we use each strength?
• How can we stop each weakness?
• How can we exploit each opportunity?
• How can we defend against each threat?

Developed by Albert Humphrey in the 1960s, the Analysis has been used from private business to political parties and individuals. Below is a short SWOT Analysis of opposition organisations based/active in the Diaspora.

Strengths
  • Mass base/support
  • Human capital within the parties –highly experienced, educated and rich leadership and members.
  • Vision- most opposition movements and parties have clearly spelt out vision, mission and goals.
  • Good linkage with International rights groups
  • Good relation and usage of the private media
  • Opinion leadership/ agenda setting skills
  • Successful at PR and propaganda campaigns
  • Dedicated campaigners and protesters
  • Innovative and strong track record in media usage and formation. 
  • Good culture of discussing political topics.
  • Branding themselves- their parties.


Weaknesses
  • Lack of unity
  • Lack of action – violent or non-violent
  • Absence of armed, organised forces – militarily
  • Weakness to coordinate, mobilise and organise self, others and the mass.
  • Using passive aggressive methods
  • Absence of offensiveness/strategies – mostly defensive
  • Intra and inter party grudges, jealousy, arrogance, dishonesty, intolerance and little party discipline
  • Lack of/no resilience  
  • Inability to draw young  members and leaders
  • Inability to think ahead and strategically
  • Absence of/weak Intelligence 
  • Poor party secrecy and confidentiality
  • Spending time, effort and resource on an unnecessary meetings, conferences and projects
  • No culture of criticism and self-evaluation
  • No sense of urgency
  • Fear and lack of creativity. Most stick to the books. They prefer to apply and debate about the resistance strategies of M. Ghandi, M.Luther King and Gene Sharp than look back and dig their own indigenous methods of resistance.
  • Taking the struggle as a hobby or means of employment.
  • No risk taking. Most leaders apply “Safety Regulations” and fear taking risks.
  • Detachment/ignorance from/of what is on the ground.
  • Easily infiltrated 


Opportunities
  • Disgruntled mass base across all religious groups, ethnicities, ages, sex, parties, media, civic societies, students, teachers, farmers, business people, associations and all groups that are on the edge.
  • Growing sense or inter-party understanding, coming together and readiness to form unity of purpose.
  • Horn of African geopolitical developments such as  North Sudan’s frustration with Meles’ duplicities, Egypt’s anger with Meles’ new water schemes and Eritrea as the incumbents arch foe
  • International organisations and rights groups with huge focus on land grab, environmentalism, internal displacement and rights should be tapped into as opportunities.
  • A youth mass to organize and recruit.
  • Veteran and redundant officers that could voluntarily serve opposition groups.
  • Attracting and engaging knowledgeable, courageous and reputable Ethiopian and international journalists, bloggers and PR officers
  • An emerging and popular media - ESAT
  • Legal experts, who can start, aid and pursue cases against the regime. Especially against international institutions and business that contract with regime in Ethiopia.
  • Initiated and psychologically ready to ‘revolt’ population – Abebe Gelaw’s catalysis that showed authoritarians can be traumatized by just one unarmed person’s loud voice.
  • Logistical, manpower, legal and money to start up new businesses that can refund their movements.
  • Highly educated and innovative Diaspora/youth
  • Disgruntled and determined Christian and Muslim faithful unhappy with regime’s hand on their faith. Care needs to be taken here tough.
  • A regime with a deflected attention that can be easily 
  • perforate and do away.
  • New media technologies 
  • Especially time; this a suitable and right time for oppositions to use. 


Threats
  • Blockage and censorship of all forms of media that are not owned or directed by the regime.
  • Presence of double agents within the opposition camp.
  • Siding of superpowers with the regime and a “Yes Boss” strategy of the incumbent that is disfavouring the opposition.
  • The instability of the Horn of Africa
  •  Restrictive local laws and proclamations
  • Lack of steady source of income to fund the struggle
  • The emergence of new parties, movements and civic organisations every day that draw back the on-going movements and community
  • The recent protests of Ethiopian Muslims – as it brings opportunities it also brings indirect threats too
  • Neighboring countries such as Kenya, Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia that have become stooges of the Ethiopian regime.
  • Losing members and supporters who lurk for immediate changes or actions.
  • Increased tightening and control of CSOs, media and parties by the regime.  
  • Absence of armed and organised force that would act as as savior or kick starter.                                                                                     The organisations or you the reader can do the SWOT Matrix or maybe I will do at a later stage. You can add your own bullet points to  the above SWOT list. The parties could also do a cross-comparison and weighing of the S-O, W-O and S-T,W-T.




Tuesday, May 22, 2012

Human Interest News from Gonder : An anecdote as narrated


By T, Staffer of De Birhan Media
22/05/2012

“It was June 24, 1981, the Feast of John the Baptist, the proclaimer of the coming Messiah. In the evening the Virgin Mary appeared to two young people, Mirjana Dragicevic * and Ivanka Ivankovic.* The next day, four more young people, Marija Pavlovic,* Jakov Colo, Vicka Ivankovic,* and Ivan Dragicevic saw the Virgin Mary, bringing the total to six visionaries. These visionaries are not related to one another. Three of the six visionaries no longer see Our Lady on a daily basis. As of July, 2009, the Virgin is still appearing every day to the remaining three visionaries; that’s well over 12,820 apparitions.” reads  Medjugorje.com.    

These kids were following what they have been seeing and communicating with it. When they later told their parents and neighbors what they saw and talked, they were criticized and nobody believed them. After a lot of religious “tests”, it was declared later that the apparition and miracles of Our Mother Mary in Medjugorje were true. Countless miracles, cures and visits take place in the area still today.

Međugorje or Medjugorje  is a town located in western Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the Herzegovina region around 25 km (16 mi) southwest of Mostar and close to the border of Croatia. The town is parto of the municipality of Čitluk. Since 1981, it has become a popular site of religious pilgrimage due to reports of apparitions of the Virgin Mary to six local Catholics.




Gonder

Ethiopia is a land of miracles. Such miracles where people live and survive with just under a dollar a day and such miracles where diseases that have been declared “cureless” by modern day doctors, are healed cured and wiped out. It takes a lot to believe it or even consider it sensical to a digitalised mind of ours. But there are miracles in Ethiopia I tell you, especially religious ones.

I adulate human interest news items. There are millions of them back home, were there eyes that can perceive them. So farther that I am from my home, I, therefore, am hit with human interest news destitution. The following “scuttlebutt” had come to me from a very very reliable source. I had to think a lot before noting it down because it was less substantiated and fails to fulfil at least few of the basic news values. It is just an anecdote of my closest source who has been to Gonder and who came across this narrative. Do you recall one of those kinds of narrations that you were told when you were a kid and you said opening your little mouth and twinkling eyes wide, “weyyyyyyy gudddddddd”. It sounds one of those kinds hard to believe fictious stories but I am saying one more time since the true narration came from a person I trust, feeds me with policy level and status quo news leaks, am sharing it with you.
The incident has been happening over the past few months. They are three rural kids between roughly the ages of 8 years old girls in Yifag (pronounced as yeefag), a town in "Kemekem" woreda of southern Gonder, located southwest of Addis Zemen, and a short distance away from Lake Tana , Amhara Regional State, Ethiopia. My narrator says that these three kinds have been taken by a “severe cyclonic storm” on Miyazia 18 (April 28) 2012 at around 3pm in the afternoon and were taken to "another world" for three hours. The kids were members of the Sunday Church School at the local Selasie (Trinity) Church.   After hours of disappearance, they were found back and to the delight of their families they were all safe. Few days later, the kids began showing miracles; disabled people, sick and aching patients these kids touched, were getting immediately cured and healed. This news went viral and people from villages to towns afar came in search of healing from the kids. Of the three kids one of them is said to have been sick for weeks and was suspected by the other two as showing "satanic and skeptical behaviors". According to the narrator, the two kids and the community were unable to handle the overflow of people estimated to be well over 10,000 in the past two weeks before the local government and police stopped it.  Miraculous Holy Water has also sprung where the kids were conducting the "healing". The children have been in hiding since the past two weeks unable to manage the number of people coming from all corners of the country. The two children are named Serke and Helen. 
That was the human interest news. We may see this narration covered by other mainstream media in detail soon, provided that it is as accurate as I was gossiped about. Aren’t I lucky to share this anecdote first to you though? 

Sunday, May 20, 2012

Eleutherophobia and Collective narcissism

By T, Staffer of De Birhan Media

20 May 2012


Short News : On a "spectacular" fund raising event organised for the Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) in Johannesburg, South Africa, in the presence of Artists Tamagne Beyene, Shambel Belayneh and Gelila Mekonen, over 3000 Ethiopians living in South Africa participated. Good lot was raised.  This was how the guest artists were recieved in Johannesburg,

                                                                         
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And a short piece here


I wouldn't go into much detail and discuss these terms by contextualising and decontextualizing them. This would rather be just a copy and paste of two definitions collated from various websites. Both terms suit present day Ethiopia if not less but perfectly.

The first term that showed Ethiopian Prime Minister's shock/phobia at the current meeting is Eleutherophobia (እሉትሮፎቢያ). Here is how http://common-phobias.com defines the word

Eleutherophobia is the fear of freedom. The origin of the word eleuthero is Greek (meaning free or freedom) and phobia is Greek (meaning fear). Eleutherophobia is considered to be a specific phobia, which is discussed on  here.
 Many were those that asked what did really get Meles to shiver, stammer and boil his blood while others sitting next to him did not even show any sign of reaction to the loud noise. Some said it was high insecurity while others said it was just because his name was called. I feel it is Eleutherophobia. The phobia of all the Revolutionary Democrats, freedom, has been publicly noticed when their Commander in Chief was panicking in public.

Eleutherophobic symptoms can be mental, emotional and physical. The anxiety and fear can go from mild feelings of apprehension to afull-blown panic attack. Meles can test the severity of his problem with this 2-minute online eleutherophobia test.
The second term that best describes the ruling party in Ethiopia mainly TPLF and its heavyweight leaders including Meles is collective narcissism. Narcissism is synonymous with egoism, vanity, conceit, or simple selfishness. In psychology, the term is used to describe both normal self-love and unhealthy self-absorption due to a disturbance in the sense of self. Wikipedia reads, "The word narcissism comes from the Greek myth of Narcissus. Narcissus was a handsome Greek youth who rejected the desperate advances of the nymph Echo. As punishment, he was doomed to fall in love with his own reflection in a pool of water. Unable to consummate his love, Narcissus "lay gazing enraptured into the pool, hour after hour", and finally changed into a flower that bears his name, the narcissus."

And collective narcissism, according to De Zavala AG et al is "an emotional investment in an unrealistic belief about the in group's greatness--aiming to explain how feelings about an ingroup shape a tendency to aggress against outgroups." While Wiki posits on the terms further aspects as,

Collective narcissism is related to ethnocentrism; however, ethnocentrism primarily focuses on self-centeredness at an ethnic or cultural level, while collective narcissism is extended to any type of ingroup beyond just cultures and ethnicities.
TPLF is the best Party that exhibits the "Charismatic Leader-Follower Relationship” concept of collective narcissism meaning when a "narcissistic charismatic" leader like Meles (of the Gold People) leads and bosses, the narcissistic “ideal-hungry” followers support him blindly. Surf the boundless World Wide Web to learn more about these two most pertinent terms of today's Ethiopia. And watch this catalysing video below too...