Friday, May 28, 2010

Ethiopian Referee Beaten in Rwanda

Girma Zekeria, an Ethiopian referee was beaten in Kigali,Rwanda four days ago.

Kigali — GUEST side and African Champions TP Mazembe have been expelled from the ongoing Kagame Cup tournament following their riotous behavior in a group match against local side APR yesterday at Amahoro stadium.Team captain Trésor Mabi Mputu led the TP Mazembe's protests after Ethiopian referee Girma Zekeria had turned down their claims for a penalty. By the time the match was abandoned, APR was leading 1-0 courtesy of Kabange Twite's 34th minute strike. After being given marching orders for his aggressiveness towards the referee, Mputu called on his teammates to walk off of the field.Zekeria was chased around the field by a group of Mazembe players led by Mputu and as the official ran for his dear life, Basisila Lusadisu kicked him in the chest.It took the intervention of APR skipper Patrick Mafisango and striker Chimanga Mutamba, who came to the official's rescue from the uncontrollable Mazembe players.The match was abandoned on the 41st minute and Cecafa issued an immediate notice expelling Mazembe from the competition.

Cecafa Secretary General Nicholas Musonye said, "We cannot afford this kind of indiscipline in our region. This is the second time that Mazembe is doing such an in disciplinary case in a foreign a country."

"Last year, they did the same thing in Khartoum and we cannot afford it any more. We are going to book them on the next flight such that they can leave the country immediately.

"Even if the referee makes a mistake, no one is allowed to beat him. We have expelled them from the competition and stern measures will be taken against them," Musonye said.

Both sides were meeting for the third time this year. Early this year, the pair clashed in the Orange Champions League where TP Mazembe finally went through on goals aggregate (2-1).

Meanwhile, by press time, both Mputu and Lusadisu were detained at Remera Police station for questioning in regard to their attack on a senior police officer.

National police spokesman Eric Kayiranga confirmed the detention of the pair but did not give further details, saying they were there (at police) only to make statement.

Court Sentences Man To Death, Other To LIfe

Shire , May 28, 2010 (Addis Ababa) - Two persons convicted of killing five persons and inflicting heavy and minor injuries on 20 others in Adidero Town of Tigray State were sentenced to death and life.

The State Roving High Court sentenced the convicts after it found them guilty of committing the crime.

The convicts known by the name of Hammed Ahmed and Shimondi Abrha, an Eritrean along with another Eritrean, whose identity has not yet been established, were charged with planting a bomb at a tea room that killed five persons and inflicting heavy and minor injuries on 20 others in April 2010.

The court gave the jail terms after it found the evidences filed by the prosecutor corroborated the charge filed against the defendants.

Therefore, Shimondi Abrha, who is an Eritrean and a member of Eriterean intelligence, was sentenced to death while the other defendant got life sentence.

The death sentence will be realized after being approved by the head state.

Friday, May 21, 2010

Ethiopia's Meles on road to 25 years in power


By BARRY MALONE | REUTERS

ADDIS ABABA: Meles Zenawi, a young rebel who dropped out of medical school to go to war against east Africa's biggest army, had contracted malaria and was close to death, hiding near a river in remote northern Ethiopia.

His father, the story goes, turned up with some medicine just in time to save his son's life. He begged the idealistic guerrilla to abandon the war and come home.

Meles refused and the next time he saw his family was 17 years later when he emerged as leader of Ethiopia after the fall of Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam.

"He believed in the struggle," a party colleague in Addis Ababa told Reuters. "He had a desire to see a better Ethiopia. Despite what some say, he still does."

The 55-year-old has now been in charge of one of Africa's most complex countries for almost 20 years and is expected to win national elections again on Sunday, amid accusations from opposition groups of widespread intimidation.

Meles was born Legesse Zenawi in 1955 in Adwa, the site of Ethiopia's most celebrated victory against Italian invaders in 1896. He took the nom-de-guerre Meles as a tribute to Meles Tekle, a young activist killed by the government.

When Mengistu announced the start of his Red Terror purges in 1977, Meles was already in the bush and a rising figure in the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) that he helped found as a 20-year-old.

The TPLF would ultimately succeed, and after aligning with other groups and forming the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition, entered Addis Ababa in 1991, much to the amazement of the locals.

New generation

"They were this army of kids in shorts with huge afros, marching into the city," an Addis resident told Reuters. "We didn't even know who Meles Zenawi was."

Ethiopians soon got to know the 35-year-old intimately when he took power, first as transitional president and later, after poorly contested elections in 1995, as prime minister of the renamed Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.

The EPRDF set about trying to change the desperately poor country, pledging to drive growth and improve the lives of peasant farmers. It introduced a system of ethnic federalism, opening regional parliaments and giving Ethiopia's main ethnic groups the chance to govern the areas in which they dominate.

The West welcomed Africa's new youngest leader enthusiastically, grateful for his overthrow of a communist regime and impressed with his obvious savvy.

Former US President Bill Clinton said Meles was part of a "new generation" of African leaders and he was invited to join then British Prime Minister Tony Blair's crusading Commission for Africa.

But Meles' record of solid economic growth, poverty reduction and closer ties to the West is being marred by a crackdown on dissent, rights groups say.

The analysts who say the once bright hope for the continent has become autocratic blame two major incidents.

'Cult of the personality'

The first came shortly after Ethiopia fought a bitter war with neighboring Eritrea, a country that ceded from Ethiopia once Mengistu had fallen.

The war bred divisions within the TPLF central committee that soon spilled over into arguments about economic policy.

That row ended with 12 of the TPLF central committee expelled and some, including former Defense Minister Seye Abraha, ended up in prison on corruption charges.

The second test was Ethiopia's last national elections in 2005, seen as the first poll that could be truly democratic. Meles and the EPRDF were caught off-guard by the rise of the ad-hoc Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD).

When the EPRDF claimed victory, the CUD cried fraud, street riots erupted and 193 protesters and seven policemen died. The CUD leadership was imprisoned.

Meles showed his stubborn streak under pressure from Western donors, refusing to back down and saying Ethiopia could survive without them if it had to.

"He intimidates Western ambassadors in Addis," a junior diplomat told Reuters. "At their meetings, they bring up a subject and he just lectures them on it."

Despite his "strongman" image, the voracious reader often shows flashes of wit and is well liked by those who work closely with him and by many senior diplomats.

"America didn't give us money because of Somalia," he said in reply to a question on whether the US had given financial support to Ethiopian troops who entered the neighboring country to oust an Islamist regime.

"This doesn't mean America hasn't given us money for food aid or HIV prevention before. It has. But we're not going to fight Somalia using condoms."

With the results of Sunday's election seemingly a foregone conclusion, the father of three looks set to see out almost a quarter of a century in power. But he has always insisted it is the party and Ethiopia that count, not him.

"Africa's downfall has always been the cult of the personality," he once said. "And their names always seem to begin with M. We've had Mobutu and Mengistu and I'm not going to add Meles to the list."

Monday, May 17, 2010

Election winner may be revealed within 48 hours


By Kirubel Tadesse

A provisional winner of the federal parliamentary elections could be declared as early as within 48 hours after polling stations are closed, a senior government official said.
A number of parties have vowed they are going to win the election.

These include the ruling EPRDF, which is running for a fourth five-year term, and a number of other parties, including Medrek, a coalition of eight opposition groups who are fielding the second most candidates for the 547 seats after the ERPDF. A record 32 million voters, two million more than initially forecasted, are expected to cast their ballots on May 23.
The original schedule set by the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) said constituency level results will be posted on May 24. Provisional announcements should come between June 2 and June 14, while NEBE is scheduled to approve and declare the winner on June 21.
However, according to Bereket Simon, Minister at the Government Communication Affairs Office, the electoral board in considering some of the dates.
"There were suggestions, including from foreigners, that the announcement of elections results, which previously took 20 to 30 days, is a bit long. Given phone services are widely available across the country now, including in 14-15,000 kebeles, as well as other communication means, provisional results on national level could be declared as early as two, three days after the polling day," Bereket said.
The minister explained that woreda level results could be added within a day and transmitted to the zonal and later to regional level before reaching the NEBE's headquarters in Addis Ababa in less than 72 hours.
In the disputed 2005 elections, during which post-polling violence claimed around 200 lives, political parties, including the ruling front, claimed victory before the board officially announced results.
Pundits say the parties' premature claims incited some of the protesters who clashed with security forces. Various legislative changes have been made to the electoral law, including prohibiting anybody from speculating on the official result before NEBE announces it.
A code of conduct for political parties was also adopted from the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, a Swedish-based intergovernmental organisation that supports sustainable democracy worldwide. The code was made to be part of electoral law after being approved by parliament.
The EPRDF, together with the three survivors of the former opposition coalition that performed strongly in 2005 - Ayele Chamiso's CUD, Lidetu Ayalew's Ethiopian Democratic Party, and the opposition's camp veteran strongman Engineer Hailu Shawel's All Ethiopian Unity Party - jointly endorsed the code.
A high profile ceremony, held after months of negotiations that produced the landmark code, brought the parties' leaders, including P.M. Meles Zenawi of the ERPDF to sign the deal in October last year.
The government says the code, aided by campaign subsidies for all parties for the first time in the nation's history and the 31 million birr airtime given to parties to campaign, have created a conducive environment for competitive elections.
Opposition groups argue the criteria devised for dividing the subsidies and the airtime in the state-owned media favours the incumbent.

Friday, May 14, 2010

Ethiopia set for new power plant as tensions over the Nile basin rise

Egyptian boys play in the River Nile in Qalyoubia village north of Cairo. Ethiopia is constructing a raft of dams as it attempts to solve a debilitating power shortage as basin states wrangle over the use of the Nile's waters. Photo/FILE

By inARGAW ASHINE in Addis Ababa (email the author)
Posted Friday, May 14 2010 at 15:56

IN SUMMARY

  • Tans Beles Dam is one of many ongoing power projects and is located on the disputed Nile basin
  • Countries on the basin are in disagreement over how to use the economically critical resource

Despite an ongoing rift on the use of the River Nile's waters, Ethiopia has launched a new hydroelectric dam on the Blue Nile's river basin in western Ethiopia..

Ethiopia contributes 86 per cent of the Nile's waters.

On Friday the Horn of Africa country officially inaugurated its new Tana Beles hydro plant which has a capacity to generate 460 megawatts of power. Beles is located some 500 kilometres from Addis Ababa, the capital.

The Nile river basin nations are wrangling over water sharing rights after Egypt and Sudan refused to sign a new pact that would allow a review of how the basin states use the water.

Countries on the Nile's upstream were set to meet in Kampala on Friday to push for greater water allocation and to sign the framework agreement. Egypt, which currently hold the greatest right to Nile waters by virtue of a colonial-era agreement, opposes the meeting.

Ethiopia's new dam uses Lake Tana's water which significantly contributes to the River Nile's volume.

During the inauguration, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said the completion of the new dam marks the realisation of Ethiopia’s 100-year effort to utilize its resource on the Nile basin.

Ethiopia built the dam without foreign support after international creditors refused to fund the project. The dam is estimated to have cost $500 million.

Priority
Mr Zenawi said the Ethiopian government is working to achieve a target to generate 5,000-8,000 Megawatts.

Ethiopia Electric Power Corporation chief executive Mihret Debebe Mihret Debebe said the Beles hydro-plant will add an additional 23 per cent to the national power grid.

Often suffering from food shortages, Ethiopia also set to cultivate 119 thousand hectares of land by agricultural irrigation from the outlet water of the dam.
“Our priority is to deal with the current power shortage at home,” Mr Mihret said.

Currently the country is grappling with a serious power shortage despite an ongoing dam construction boom across the nation.

Gibe 2 with a capacity of 420 MW was inaugurated five months ago but stopped generation after only two weeks after a rock fall hit a tunnel.
According to government officials, repair work is ongoing and Gibe 2 is expected to resume power generation in July.

Ethiopia is also constructing Gibe 3, which has a capacity of 1,870 MW and would be the biggest hydro dam in sub-Saharan Africa.

Despite fierce opposition from environmental groups, Ethiopia has moved to build more dams on Gibe River which flows to Lake Turkana in Kenya.

Ethiopia has already signed an agreement with Chinese companies to build Gibe 4 and Gibe 5 within the next four years.

Friday, May 7, 2010

Battle at the Press Discussion

Yesterday on 6/5/10 in remark of the World Press Freedom day, a meeting was held in Addis Abeba.It was sponsored by six organizations including the regime.

Most participants stated that the meeting ended without raising any issue or discussing about the existing climate of fear and unpopular media and election reporting laws.Publishers such as Amare Aregawi and other private and governmental media representatives finished the day with mere rhetoric and battle for supremacy.

Journalists expressed their dissatisfaction about the Forum.

How Will This Impact Ethiopia?

‘Hard choices’ on U.S. aid reform

The international development community this week got its most detailed glimpse yet of draft plans to overhaul U.S. foreign assistance. A leaked White House paper suggests the creation of an interagency panel to spearhead aid policy and outlines steps to refocus operations on key strategic goals.

The draft, which is not final, raised more questions than it answered, especially about the exact relationship between the U.S. Agency for International Development and the Department of State. But a political firestorm may be brewing.

“The new White House plan to ‘elevate development as a pillar of national security strategy, equal to diplomacy and defense’ may spark the biggest political fight over development since Jesse Helms made the head of development report to the Secretary of State,” wrote Patrick Cronin in a May 4 opinion piece, referring to the former North Carolina senator who in the 1990s spearheaded efforts to marginalize USAID.

As a candidate for U.S. president, Barack Obama campaigned on the bold promise to double foreign assistance and revamp a bloated aid bureaucracy spread across the federal government. The draft paper indicates that he is not willing to go as far as many within the development community had hoped: The leaked document does not mention a cabinet-level “aid czar.”

USAID, however, appears to be on an upswing. The leaked document suggests beefing up capacity in budgeting as well as policy and planning, and on May 5, USAID Administrator Rajiv Shah announced the creation of a policy and planning bureau, a move that was praised by the U.S. Senate’s top foreign policy experts.

The Obama administration remains engaged in two parallel foreign policy reviews: the State Department-led Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review and the National Security Council-led presidential study directive on global development policy, which resulted in the leaked draft, according to Josh Rogin of the Foreign Policy magazine’s The Cable blog. But many issues remain unclear, including how exactly USAID and the State Department would collaborate on foreign assistance, and how the “hard choices” outlined in the leaked draft would affect USAID funding.

Congressional leaders have vowed to move ahead with reform even without clear guidance from the White House.

Will this worsen the TPLF/EPRDF relationship?

Tuesday, May 4, 2010

THE EPRDF GENERATION

For the first time in the history of the EPRDF, a generation of young men and women who know nothing firsthand of Ethiopian politics other than that of the current government will be eligible to vote. Neither, the young voters nor the candidates seem to fully appreciate the impact this generation could have on politics, writes BRUH YIHUNBELAY, FORTUNE STAFF WRITER.

On the cloudy afternoon of April 27, 2010, at the teeming campus of Addis Abeba University’s Commercial College, sat an attention grabbing young man, Michael Alemayehu, 20, on a block fence, giving the impression of being busy while operating his iPhone. A second year student of Marketing Management, Michael resembles most of his metropolitan peers; he was outfitted in attire that made him look like rappers from the US such as 50 Cent or Akon.

He was waiting for his friend to arrive to select a place to hang out and tee off their afternoon. Michael was a year old when the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took state power 19 years ago this month.

He is one of the over 15 million young men and women between the ages of 15 to 24, constituting 20pc of the total population. Half of these were born in the early 1990s, shortly before, during, or after the collapse of the military government.

People like Michael have recently come of age and are eligible to vote in national elections for the first time this year. But electoral authorities do not have data to show how many of the 10 million Ethiopians whose ages allow them to be first time voters have actually registered to cast their votes in the elections to be held in three weeks.

Michael will not. He is not registered, for he does not care much about Ethiopian politics. He finds them boring and lacking in captivating elements, which the US Presidential Election had.

“President Obama is a charismatic leader,” Michael told Fortune. “I have not seen anyone of that sort in the Ethiopian political landscape.”

A resident of Nefas-Silk Lafto District, around Bisrate Gabriel Church, Michael showed little interest in the current national elections. He does not know, for instance, that some heavyweight politicians are running against their former allies from 2005 for a place at one of Addis Abeba’s 23 seats in the Federal Government. Hailu Shawel (Eng.) of the All Ethiopian Unity Organisation (AEUO) and Hailu Araya (PhD) of the Forum for Justice and Democratic Dialogue, a.k.a. Medrek, are an example of this, unbeknownst to him, and Aster Mamo of the incumbent EPRDF is also competing for the same seat.


His knowledge of political personalities is limited to a short list. Meles Zenawi of the EPRDF is one, while he thinks Hailu Shawel is still a leader of “Kinijit.” He also knew of Lidetu Ayalew, although he was not able to place him with any party.

“There are some other guys, but I am not sure about their names,” he said. “I am one of those people not big on politics.”

Nonetheless, Michael, who tends to slur his English, owes his knowledge of federalism and the Constitution to civic education classes during his high school years at Ethio-Parents. But that was not enough to spark any interest in politics. His strongest desire and wish is to go to London to see his favourite team, Arsenal FC, from the English Premier League, play at the Emirates Stadium.

In essence, young eligible voters such as Michael do not have vivid impressions of the Derg Regime. Eritrea as part of Ethiopia is merely part of the distant history of the nation.

There is no emotional connection. Yet, these were issues that were lucidly placed in the minds of the pre-EPRDF generation of Ethiopia, who are at times thin-skinned when such issues are raised during casual conversations.A probe into the thought processes of the EPRDF generation reveals a disturbing level of indifference and insensitivity towards political issues. One of these young adults spoke quite frankly to Fortune about his impressions of the affairs of state. Although the awareness of his peers leaves a lot to be desired, it is clear that the interests of this crowd are engaged elsewhere; mostly in the English Premier League. What are politicians doing to appeal to this very large demographic, who is for the most part being lured towards western customs? Are the youth of today appreciated or are they justified in feeling left out and inconsequential? Read the Interview

This deficiency in political interest is apparently a feature that detaches members of the post-Derg EPRDF generation from the preceding generation. They seem to have little qualms with the Constitution, including the controversial Article 39, as they see hardly anything controversial about the political structure that many of their elders oppose as “ethnic politics.” They are products of a school system that taught them the provisions of the Constitution during Civics classes.

Ironically, they are devoid, at the same time, of a profound knowledge of the country’s political system.

“I am going to vote for Meles,” Samrawit Tarekegn, 20, a second year accounting student at the commercial college, told Fortune. “I do not know much about the other candidates. I think he is the only one who can lead the country.”

Her registration to vote is an exception among her two friends. Leisurely sitting and chatting inside Tele Bar, Tinbit Abraham and Tsega Kebede seemed uninterested in the whole conversation on politics.

All three of them were not interested in politics, Tinbit said, giggling, and teased Tsega that she was not interested in anything in life.

In response, music and contemporary vogue were two subjects that Tsega mentioned she had an interest in, giving Tinbit a shrug.

“Politics in Africa are what people get killed over,” Tsega told Fortune. “I do not want to be involved in anything of that sort.”

Their lifestyles for far too long have focused on non-political and non-sports areas, Tsega and her friends believe. For the young men of their age, though, music and sports dominate as their major preoccupations in life.

“We never seem to agree on politics, but the subjects we happen to agree on are sports and music,” a student of Bahir Dar Technology College said of his relationships with his friends.

One of them is Eskedar Mulugojjam, a second year Mechanics student at the college. Seated inside Mango Recreation Centre, Eskedar used to have the enthusiasm to participate in elections. Her enthusiasm vanished after she lost hope. She thinks that she does not have a role to play anymore.

“I have not been registered to vote,” Eskedar told Fortune. “I also do not like to talk about politics; it is just pointless.”

These young men and women are radically different from the generation of the student movements back in the 1960s and 1970s. Some of the figures from these movements are now leaders of the country, whether in politics, business, or social sectors. It was a revolutionary generation with a strong passion for reform and social transformation that fought for regime change. In history, involvement of the youth in Ethiopia’s politics has altered the course of the country more than once.

“The participation of the youth and students in particular was observed both in the seventies and eighties,” a political history lecturer at Addis Abeba University, told Fortune.

Although the revolutionary generation of that era succeeded in forcing the Imperial Regime to collapse, it nonetheless continued both armed political struggles and nonviolent political struggles against the military junta. The leading members of the generation thought that the military junta had hijacked the revolution that they originally stirred. One is unlikely to see such a degree of enthusiasm about political engagement from many members of the EPRDF generation.

The youth of today lack zeal and passion for political participation. This phenomenon is mostly seen in youths that come from urban areas, according to the political history lecturer.

“They are more inclined to movies, music, and sports than politics,” he told Fortune. “This is the case with other countries as well.”

This lack of basic interest in politics is not an anomaly, from a social scientist’s perspective. It may be inevitable for youngsters not to feel strongly about, participate in, or consider politics as a priority, a sociologist and social researcher from the Addis Abeba University told Fortune.

“The inadequate knowledge they have about politics is what they learned from their Civics classes in school,” said the sociologist. “Although it may be considered [by others] not to be enough, they think it is sufficient for them.”

Michael and the three young women find the media outlets, particularly the state owned TV, boring. It does not cater to their needs, and therefore is not given a chance to increase their limited political literacy.

“I get frustrated when ETV shows some uninteresting programme, cancelling live transmission of the Premier League matches,” Michael told Fortune.

Dinner time is the most important time of the day for Tsega and her family. While her mother and two brothers discuss how they spent their day, her father usually increases the volume of the TV using a remote control. He wants to watch the news of the day that comes on at 8:00pm.

“I do not like it when my Dad does that,” Tsega said. “But we are all used to it and continue our conversations while he complains that we are not letting him watch the news.”

Lidetu Ayalew, leader of the party that portrays itself as the “party of the future,” attributes such apathy to the media. It fails to appeal to this group of voters, he said.

“The incumbent controls the mainstream media, and it has failed to appropriately orient the youth to the politics of the country,” Lidetu said.

But, hardly any of the parties vying for political power seem to recognise the existence of this segment of voters. Their campaign strategies are not designed to win their votes.

Jemal Mohammed, 21, and Keribu Hassen, 21, both third year students at Addis Abeba University, are among a section of the youth that have specific demands. Jemal, from Adama (Nazareth), and Keribu, from Metekel Zone of the Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State, are unlike most of their peers. They do not watch football but do have a thing for music. They also closely follow the politics of the country.

Keribu tried to go into details, demonstrating his knowledge on the agenda of the parties and what every party claims to stand for. He thinks that the agendas of the parties are not what the youth of today are yearning for.

He and his friends want jobs after graduation.

“I cannot wait to graduate, get a job, and earn my own living,” said Keribu, while nervously rubbing his hair backwards, apparently a habit he is unaware of. Keribu fears that he may not get a job after graduation, claiming that the political parties running for office are not properly addressing the needs of the youth.

“They had a debate on federalism, agriculture, and education but nothing on the youth,” he told Fortune. “This shows me that they do not care much about us.”

Despite their evident failure to recognise this group of first time voters, many of the political party leaders claim to be doing things for the youth.

“I can confidently say that we are the only party that has pledged to provide one million jobs,” Lidetu told Fortune.

He is referring to his party’s campaign manifesto, which made such promises for the army of the unemployed, largely made up of youths.

It is not only employment the youth need, according to Temesgen Zewdie, one of the leaders of the parties that make up Medrek. The aspirations of the youth are strongly linked with educational policy, he said.

“This is where the incumbent failed, but we have an extensive plan for the youth to be part of the development process,” Temesgen said.

Leaders of the incumbent, however, claim that they have addressed the demands of the youth across the country through the expansion of education and the creation of employment opportunities.

“Though we should have done more to address the youth, I believe we have done enough,” Hailemariam Desalegn, a member of the central committee of the EPRDF and one of the campaign managers of his party, told Fortune.

His party has been working rigorously in various forms, providing opportunities for the youth, he claims. Hundreds of millions of Birr to finance the formation of 167,835 micro and small enterprises (MSEs) active in the construction of condominiums was part of this drive that was aimed at engaging younger voters. The government they run claims to have created 1.3 million jobs since 2006, according to Kassu Illala (PhD), minister of Works and Urban Development (MoWUD), who testified before Parliament last week.

The ruling party is also known to have used higher education institutions as recruiting grounds, an effort that swelled its rank and file by over four million since the last election. For a party that was on a collision course with the youth during and after the 2005 national elections, this could be taken as a phenomenal reverse.

Members of the youth, however, need motivation and inspiration that go beyond campaign pledges in order to make them actively participate in the politics of the country, according to the political history lecturer. Thus political parties have a lot more to do to rope in members of the EPRDF generation such as Michael, Samrawit, Tsega, and Tinbit. They may not be visible, but their existence in staggering numbers could alter the course of the election as their predecessors did with their revolution four decades ago.









Monday, May 3, 2010

First ladies behaving badly in Africa


Zimbabwe’s First Lady Grace Amai Mugabe. Some African first ladies are slowly spinning into symbols of corrupt extravagance of their husbands’ political reign. Photo/FILE
By JANET OTIENO (email the author)
Posted Sunday, May 2 2010 at 10:30

IN SUMMARY

  • First ladies are using their position for purposes of personal aggrandisement, rather than for furthering the interests of women
  • In 2008, foreign shopping trips by Swazi queens elicited so much outcry that ordinary citizens took to the streets in protest
  • Imelda Marcos was often remembered for owning over 3000 pairs of shoes
  • yet unrevealed Azeb Mesfin and her multi-billion ,EFFORT

Zimbabwean First Lady, Ms Grace Amai Mugabe presented herself as a role model worth emulating during Malawi’s President Bingu wa Mutharika’s recent wedding.

Ms Mugabe advised Malawi’s new first lady Ms Callista Chimombo Mutharika to follow her heart and do what pleases her irrespective of what people think. She also pledged to be there should her ‘wise counsel’ and experience be sought as she welcomed Ms Callista to the league of African heads of state spouses.

This was not well received by some Malawians going by certain remarks on Nyasa Times, the country’s daily newspaper. The readers argued that listening to Ms Mugabe would be tantamount to crumbling of a nation. “Shame, to you Grace. Two third of Zimbabwean are languishing in abject poverty because of your mismanagement of the economy,” screamed one of the comments.

Ms Mugabe has been on the record for the wrong reasons if press reports are anything to go by. A part from doing what she does best – shopping abroad, assaulting a British journalist last year in Hong Kong was more puzzling for a person in her position. Scores of Zimbabweans also blame President Mugabe’s blunders on her.

This brought to the limelight efficiency of such women tasked with bettering conditions for their nations’ less privileged. Reports have it that they have since abandoned their roles of reaching out to the less privileged, unless it is for public relations purposes.

Symbols of extravagance

Some African first ladies are slowly spinning into symbols of corrupt extravagance of their husbands’ political reign. That is why it would be prudent for one to foresee further stench the position brings to political governance in various nations according to Nigerian Muse blog.

A report on Feminist Africa, publication of African Gender Institute states that the first lady phenomenon has created a dynamic political space which has been appropriated and used by the wives and friends of men in power for purposes of personal aggrandisement, rather than for furthering the interests of women.

And speaking of extravagant lifestyles, then Ms Grace Mugabe would definitely lead the list of Imelda Marcos of this continent as others follow closely.
Imelda Marcos, the wife of the late Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos was known for her corrupt dealings and unquenchable thirst for expensive fashion and trips abroad. She was often remembered for owning over 3000 pairs of shoes.

World tour

Swaziland’s King Mswati III's wives have also not been left out of the international shopping extravaganzas. Five out of his13 wives and 40 attendants were reportedly on a ‘world tour’ that included stop -offs in France, Italy, Taiwan and the United States.

On one shopping occasion, they spent about $ 6 million from public coffers according to theTimes of Swaziland, the country’s daily. In 2008, these trips by Swazi queens elicited so much outcry and ordinary Swazi women took to the streets to protest.

The late Ms Stella Obasanjo too cannot go without mention in reference to profligacy during her husband Mr Olusegun Obasanjo’s reign in Nigeria. Her extravagance came to the fore after Midwest Herald newspaper ran an article “ Greedy Stella” accusing her of organising the sale of 207 government-owned properties to her relatives at reduced prices. This attracted widespread criticism for her ostentatious displays of wealth and lavish lifestyle.

Wife of Cameroon President Ms Chantal Biya too wasted no time when she came to the scene in 1996 by getting her wardrobe set for the role of first lady. Being married to a president is so imperative and Ms Biya makes quite an impression with her extravagant hairstyles, exotic wardrobes and shopping trips with her entourage.

The list of such women in Africa’s presidential quarters is endless and the few examples here illustrate a sharp contrast to the struggle of millions of Africans who cannot afford basic commodities like food and proper healthcare as the people on the throne waste public resources to fund their ostentatious lifestyles.

Since the first ladies play significant roles in shaping political processes in their countries, it would be prudent for them to put their acts in order as their roles demand.