Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi did not attend scheduled meetings with other African leaders in Addis Ababa on Saturday and Sunday, fueling speculation about his health.
The government confirmed the prime minister was ill but gave no details.
Mr. Meles had been scheduled to chair a meeting of the New Partnership for Africa's Development, or NEPAD, on Saturday, and an African Union government leaders' summit on Sunday. Ethiopia's foreign minister attended in his place.
The foreign minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, told Bloomberg news Monday that Mr. Meles was receiving treatment.
The agency quotes him as saying, “There is no serious illness at all. It's minor only.” He said the prime minister would be “back soon” after receiving medication.
Mr. Meles has not been seen in public for at least two weeks. He is 57 years old and has ruled Ethiopia since 1991.
Senegalese President Macky Sall told the NEPAD meeting Saturday that Prime Minister Meles was not attending “for health reasons” and expressed wishes that he “recover soon.”
Ethiopian state television on Sunday acknowledged the prime minister's absence from meetings. State TV noted what it said were “various media reports” saying the prime minister has been sick — including opposition reports that said Mr. Meles was receiving treatment in Belgium.
The Federation of African Journalists (FAJ), the African regional organization of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), today expresses its concern regarding the 18-year prison sentence to journalist Eskinder Nega, handed down on Friday, 13 July by Ethiopian court in Addis Ababa.
Eskinkder Nega and 23 opposition figures were found guilty of terrorism related charges on 27 June. Nega, 44, was arrested in September 2011 and accused of supporting US-based political group, Ginbot 7, which is banned in Ethiopia.
The journalist was also accused of provoking "violence", "hate" and encouraging Arab spring revolution to unseat the current government.
"We oppose the sentence and strongly state that the expression of critical opinions should not be criminalised. Prosecution of journalists under anti-terrorism law is unacceptable and we call for an immediate end of its usage," said Omar Faruk Osman, FAJ President.
Since last year, Ethiopian and Swedish journalists were prosecuted under the anti-terrorism law."These convictions and prison sentences are unnecessary, disproportionate, and unjustifiable; they also constitute a form of censorship given their intimidating and chilling effect on the work of journalists," added Osman.
The FAJ delegation which is in Ethiopia to lobby the African Union on the safety and protection of African journalists met Communications Minister of Ethiopia, Bereket Simon and discussed many issues including the incarceration of journalists, self regulation and the Pan African conference on safety of journalists in September, in Addis Ababa.
For more information contact the IFJ: 221 33 867 95 86/87
The IFJ represents more than 600.000 journalists in 134 countries.
Amid rumors and reports that the Ethiopian Prime Minister is reportedly in "a serious health condition" (he has reportedly flown back to Belgium earlier this morning around 3.00am - not yet confirmed) and tension lurking among the political heavy weights over their political future, the Ethiopian 'court' has sentenced prominent journalists, political leaders and activists, this morning from eight years to life behind bars for 'terrorism' related charges. Hustle and bustle and appearance of some Ministers and MPs in the Palace was also observed late last night, according to sources.
The prominent Ethiopian journalist and blogger, Eskinder Nega, has been sentenced to 18 years, while politician Andualem Arage has been given life sentence. The other 22 journalists, politicians and human rights activists were also given similar verdicts within the above ranges. Accordingly, Dr. Birhanu Nega, Chairman of Ginbot 7 Movement, Andargachew Tsgie, Secretary General of Ginbot 7 and prominent journalist Fasil Yenealem, journalist at ESAT Television were all sentenced to life imprisonment. Some of the politicians and journalists have already been given death and life sentences by the same court two years ago. One of them, Fasil Yenealem said the following on his Facebook update,
For
the second time, I am sentenced to Life in prison. What can I say about
this verdict? Do I have two souls to serve both sentences on earth, or
is the latest one reserved for the other world? Any how, I would have
been surprised if the court had decided otherwise because it would have
proven that the cause I am fighting for was meaningless and frivolous.
To my pleasure, the sham verdict ones again attests that the cause I am
fighting for is just and strong.
Fasil is also one of the dozen of journalists arrested for two years following the 2005 Ethiopian general election.
Human rights activist and head of Solidarity Movement or a new Ethiopia (SMNE) Obang Metho, exiled politician Tsegaselassie Zelelaie and politician Wube Robe and Natnael Mekonnen were given18 years of imprisonment. Opposition politican Kinfemichael Debebe was given 25 years. U.S. based journalists Abebe Gellaw and Abebe Belew have been sentenced for 15 years of imprisonment. Exiled opposition politicians Neamin Zeleke and Mesfin Aman were also handed 15 years.
Prominent journalists Abiye Teklemariam and Mesfin Negash have been sentenced to 8 years of imprisonment.
Sixteen of the sentenced live abroad and were thus tried in absentia.
Amnesty International's Ethiopia researcher
said: “The imprisonment of Eskinder, Andualem and Nathnael is emblematic
of the Ethiopian government’s determination to gag any dissenting voice
in the country. All three men are prisoners of conscience - convicted and
imprisoned because of their legitimate and peaceful activities. They
should be immediately and unconditionally released."
“The Ethiopian government is treating calls for peaceful protest as a
terrorist act and is outlawing the legitimate activity of journalists
and opposition members." She said.
U.S.Senator Patrick Leahyon his part said ""This travesty makes a mockery of any pretense of justice in Ethiopia,
whose government for years has enjoyed U.S. support. Mislabeling
legitimate journalistic criticism of government repression as
'terrorism' is an insidious abuse of power that should have serious
repercussions from the United States and the international community."
On a related report, one person was arrested in Awolia Mosque, Addis Abeba, when Federal police entered the mosque to refuse the entry of a bunch of oxen that the congregation bought for their Sunday celebration. The Ethiopian Muslim congregation are organizing a grand celebration/feast for July 15 in Awolia Mosque and believers from as far as regional towns are coming to Addis Abeba to attend the event. The regime disallows the event and warns of consequences stating that it cannot take place while the AU Summit is underway. It has reportedly entered the mosque in Addis Abeba this afternoon (13July 2012) after the Friday prayers and started confiscating the oxen and other items stocked for the event, sources said.
The 19th African Union summit is currently underway Addis Abeba, Ethiopia after Malawi's new president who took over the late president's post, threatened to arrest ICC charged Sudanese President, Omar H. Al Bashir , if he ever sets foot in her country to attend the AU summit. Many African leaders and few leaders from outside the continent including, Mahmmoud Abbas, President of Palestine are anticipated to attend the Summit.
A 3D Look
Provided that Meles dies, (or
he may have already died and they are keeping it secret) as to the current constitution numbers 74,75
and 94, the Deputy PM i.e. Hailemariam Dessalgne assumes the Premiership when the Prime Minister no longer governs. As the trend has been, TPLF drives Hailemariam, a newly recruited ruling party member from Southern Ethiopia, from the backdoor. This is what they are more likely to do at
least it things filter the way they are going. The ruling party may not most probably have a contingency
plan as Meles has been the de facto, de jure and omnipotent PM they could
ever imagine, thus this might cause some friction within the top brass
of those "who still believe that they fought, so should they lead
forever".Whether Hailemariam becomes the PM or not, the challenge is most
probable to come from Meles wife, Azeb Mesfin. She is the figure to fear at this
moment from all given the power, wealth, control, history and
"ethnicity" she enjoyed and has. Azeb might be the source of trouble
either now or even after "Hailemariam succeeds".
Now, let's take two
African cases that have context proximity to Ethiopia: Malawi and Gabon. Malawi is a
good case in the Country's law "the vice president takes over when the sitting
president can no longer govern" thus when Mutarika died Joyce Banda took
over with some support from the military. She still governs ok.
The
second case of Gabon is so similar to Ethiopia. Gabon's long time dictator
Omar Bongo died at a Spanish hospital in Barcelona on 8 June 2009. The
government said Mr Bongo, who had led Gabon since 1967, had died of a
heart attack, hours after saying he was alive and well. Media were
reporting 'rumors' since June 2009 that he is being treated for Cancer
in Barcelona. Power rivalries began. The speaker of the senate of Gabon
has then been sworn in as the country's interim head of state.Under the
constitution, Rose Francine Rogombe, an ally of Mr Bongo, organized
elections within 45 days. Who won the election? Bongo's son and former
Defense Minster, Ali Bongo Ondimba and has been the President of Gabon
since, October 2009.
As TPLF has irrationally been doing, it has had the largest
vote and power with just 33 seats in the parliament while its own allied parties from the populace Oromia and Amhara regions with larger seats were made powerless, TPLF may say in
this special case, the Deputy of TPLF should lead the country as the PM. This and related power rivalries could potentially cause a Constitutional Crisis in the country. A list various
scenarios could also be cited such as Ethiopians feeling empowered that the mogul has died
might rise up and leaders born from them, lower brass of the
military might revolt, rivalry between 'personalities' may emerge, and
so on. At the moment, fragmented opposition parties don't seem to have ever had anticipated such a case
would happen or to have had any contingency plan to lead or work though
such "opportunities".
"If
you see in a province the oppression of the poor and the violation of
justice and righteousness, do not be amazed at the matter, for the high
official is watched by a higher, and there are yet higher ones over
them." The Bible, Ecclesiastes 5:8.
BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA — Next time I travel to Ethiopia, I may be arrested
as a terrorist. Why? Because I have published articles about Ethiopian
politics.
I wrote a policy report on Ethiopia’s difficulties with federalism. I
gave a talk in which I questioned Ethiopia’s May 2010 elections, in
which the ruling EPRDF party (Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary
Democratic Front) won 545 out of 547 seats in the Parliament. As part of
my ongoing research on mass violence in the Somali territories, I
interviewed members of the Ogaden National Liberation Front, a
separatist rebel group in eastern Ethiopia that the government has
designated as a terrorist organization.
In the eyes of the government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, my work is
tantamount to subversion. Not only do his officials have zero tolerance
for criticism, they consider people who either talk to or write about
the opposition as abetting terrorists.
In recent years the government has effectively silenced opposition
parties, human rights organizations, journalists and researchers. On
June 27 a federal court convicted the journalist Eskinder Nega
and 23 opposition politicians for “participation in a terrorist
organization.” More than 10 other journalists have been charged under an
anti-terrorism law introduced in 2009. Among them are two Swedes, Martin Schibbye and Johan Persson,
who are serving an 11-year prison sentence in Ethiopia. Hundreds of
opposition supporters languish in prisons for exercising the very
democratic rights that the Ethiopian Constitution nominally protects.
Most people outside Ethiopia associate the country with famine and
poverty. They know little about the country’s history and politics — for
example that Ethiopia was never colonized, or that it has Africa’s
second biggest population. Nor are they aware that Ethiopia is a darling
of the donor community, receiving more aid than any other African
country. Over the past year alone, the U.S. Agency for International
Development has given Ethiopia $675 million in aid. The United States
closely collaborates with Ethiopia in covert missions against radical
Islamists in neighboring Somalia.
Much of this support comes from the portrayal of Ethiopia as a strong
and stable government in a region riddled with political upheaval. The
problem, however, is that Ethiopia is plagued by too much state control.
When EPRDF came to power in 1991, it promised to democratize the
country. Two decades later the party has a tight grip on all public
institutions, from the capital to remote villages. Formally a federal
democracy, Ethiopia is a highly centralized one-party state. No
independent media, judiciary, opposition parties or civil society to
speak of exist in today’s Ethiopia. Many of the country’s businesses are
affiliated with the ruling party. Most Ethiopians do not dare to
discuss politics for fear of harassment by local officials.
As I found out in dozens of interviews with Ethiopian Somalis, security
forces indiscriminately kill, imprison and torture civilians whom they
suspect of aiding Ogaden rebels.
How have donors who fund about one third of Ethiopia’s budget and many
humanitarian programs reacted to this? They haven’t. They not only
continue to support the Ethiopian government but in recent years have
increased their aid. The West, most prominently the United States and
the European Union, have concluded a strange pact with Meles Zenawi: So
long as his government produces statistics that evince economic growth,
they are willing to fund his regime — whatever its human rights abuses.
This policy is wrong, shortsighted and counterproductive. It is wrong
because billions in Western tax money are spent to support an
authoritarian regime. It is shortsighted because it ignores the fact
that the absence of basic rights and freedoms is one of the reasons
Ethiopians are so poor. It is counterproductive because many Ethiopians
resent the unconditional aid and recognition given to their rulers. In
Ethiopia — and also in Rwanda and Uganda — the West is once again making
the mistake of rewarding stability and growth while closing its eyes to
repression.
Tobias Hagmann specializes in East African
politics. He is a visiting scholar at the Department of Political
Science at the University of California at Berkeley.
By Derese Tariku, Staffer of De Birhan Media Addis Abeba 10 July 2012
While the Ethiopian regime had adjusted the price of fuel and public transportation, lack of transportation and oil has hit Addis Abeba.
The Ministry of Trade and Industry had announced on Saturday July 07, that the price of fuel and public transport prices will decrease by around five to ten percent as of Monday o9 July 2012. The new rates are to be effective until August 7, 2012.
However, unhappy with the sudden adjustments (as most oil companies already bought oil with the old price) and 'unwillingness by the government to compensate Oil Companies for the probable loss the may incur', Petrol Stations, have refused to sell oil. Most of the Petrol Stations are stating that they don't have oil in their tankers. As a result public transportation has been difficult to find. Travelers had to wait few hours before they can find taxis and buses last night and this morning, witnesses said.
The Ministry said the adjustments were made in line with global oil price decease. Accordingly, the price of Ethanol Benzene has been reduced from 19.87 birr/liter to 18.78 birr/liter, Kerosene from 13.95 birr/liter to 13.85/liter, white Nafta from 17.89 birr/liter to 16.91 birr/liter respectively. Similarly, the Federal Transport Authority reduced public transport tariff, therefore, the tariff of city minibus taxis serving less than 2.5 km has been reduced from birr 1.40 to birr 1.35, serving between 2.6 to 7km has been reduced from 2.75 to 2.65 birr and the price of taxis that serve between 12.1 to 15.0 km has been reduced from 5.10 to 4.85 birr. Also the tariff of city midi-bus taxis has showed a decrease of 5 to 15cents.
Although the new tariffs were effective as of yesterday, taxis are still charging with the old price. Taxi drivers state that they are buying petrol with old price thus cannot reduce unless oil companies do same. Most petrol stations in Addis Abeba are returning customers saying that they don't have oil in their tankers.
Jubbaland State Conference held in Nairobi Kenya on June 28-30, 2012 is part of the overall web of obstruction strategy unfailingly pursued by Ethiopia to prevent any chance for the rebirth of Somali State accountable to its people in the foreseeable future. The strategy is operationalized through multiple fronts, e.g., the misuse of UN Secuirty Council rule- “the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD)[1] decides to actively remain seized of the matter of Somalia”, which means Somalia remains under IGAD’s jurisdiction, execution of counter-productive reconciliation initiatives, military occupation, creation of multiple armed factions, imposition of clan-based federalism for establishing local dependent clienteles, promotion of unscrupulous personalities for leadership and marginalization of responsible leaders, hyping up of international threats emanating from Somalia by conducting biased diplomatic campaigns.
The immediate reasons behind this ad hoc conference could be three. First, Ethiopia strives to make the overwhelmingly rejected sub-clan-based federalism as fait accompli after the United Nations declared unseen Draft Constitution as a Provisional Federal Constitution (PFC) on June 22, 2012. The expected voting of the Traditional Leaders (TLs) and the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) on the PFC is inconsequential. Second, Ethiopia wants to strengthen its grips on Somalia’s political dispensation and to thwart all efforts for Somali Unity spearheaded by few international actors. Parenthetically, with regard to Somali Unity, the extraordinary message of Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton on Somalia’s National Day July 1 to the people of Somalia raises a glimmer of hope.[2] Third, Ethiopia wants to deepen clan antagonisms among Somalis as a source for long term political destabilization.
Somali groups, IGAD/AU/UN, and Puntland Government issued separate communiqués highlighting certain aspects of the outcome of the conference. The reading of below reported IGAD/AU/UN communiqué[3] is important because it reveals specific information.
Jubbaland State is becoming a reality with this foundation now being adhered to by the International Community, Regional States, and the main groups involved. The Communiqué from the conference prepared and hosted by IGAD and the AU with support from the UN was signed by the 5 important groups representing the State.
1. TFG represented by the Deputy Minister Dr. Abdi Ali Hassan (Marehan/Uurmidig)
2. Gedo Defense Forces represented by Gen Abdullahi Sheikh Ismail “Fartag” (Marehan/Reer Ugaas Sharmarke)
3. Azania represented by Prof Mohamed Abdi Mohamed “Ghandi” (Ogaden/Talomoge)
4. Ras Kambooni represented by Macalim Mohamed Ibrahim (Ogaden/Mohamed Suber)
5. Ahlu Sunna Wal Jamee represented by Sheikh Mohamed Yusuf Mohamud “Aw Libaax” (Marehan/Celi)
The foundations agreed to is thus:
v Jubbaland State is to be a regional federal state under the Federal Constitution of Somalia
v Jubbaland State is to be formed by the merger of Gedo, Lower Jubba, and Middle Jubba Regions.
v Jubbaland State representation will be based on current state and district partition
v Jubbaland state will have three branches of state government: Executive, Legislative and Judicial
v Jubbaland State will united differing militias as unitary state security.
v Jubbaland State will be democratic and respects the rights of minorities.
v Jubbaland state will be based on Sharia law.
The groups will now have subsequent meetings and interactions to work out the attainment of this plan.
Three observations are in order. (a) In accordance with the Transitional Federal Charter (TFC) or Provisional Federal Constitution (PFC), the merger of regions and districts is subject to popular referendum certified by legitimate National Government and it is not the prerogative of five individuals representing factions. (b) The participation of TFG is immaterial because the Roadmap suspended the TFC, dismantled the internationally recognized TFG and empowered clan entities -Puntland, Galmudug and Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama (Mogadishu Faction). (c) The creation of Jubbaland State under the PFC and under Sharia Law will breed political turmoil and defeat the formation of Somali State.
The communiqué (agreement)[4] of Somali participants states that Jubbaland State will live in peace with its neighbor countries and with other regions of Somalia. Also, it requires that the Jubbaland State should be established before the ending of the transitional federal period scheduled on August 20, 212 and that the process for establishing the Jubbaland State must be in conformity with the stabilization plan of IGAD and TFG, titled “Draft IGAD Strategy on managing the territories liberated areas in Somalia.” The plan allows IGAD to manage the territory, people and politics of the three regions with a strategy and tactics based on clan allegiance to its desired outcome.
With no explanation, representative of Harti group did not sign the final Communiqué. In a radio interview, a spokesman of the conference said that a Harti group led by Gen. Mohamed Warsame Darwish, former Chief of the Somali National Security Service (NSS) during President Abdullahi Yusuf’s government participated the conference. The Puntland Government welcomed the establishment of Jubbaland State with mix feelings-suspicion and support.[5]
It is not clear how the five groups planned to address the complications the agreement generates within various communities in the regions. Influential leaders from the five groups have already voiced their objection to the agreement. The Wagosha Community (Somali Bantu) expressed their strongest objection against the Jubbaland State.[6] The history and sub clan composition of the Jubbaland population is different from the close kinship existing in Puntland State although all Somali communities (clans) proudly share territory, religion, language, citizenship, solidarity, and common aspirations.
As part of their tradition and culture, Somalis do not consider and classify certain groups or individuals as “minorities” It is my personal view that Somalis are aware of clan distinctions, injustices and economic disparity but they generally disapprove minority status classification. Under the impracticable Federalism, there will be indefinite kinds of minorities in each village, district, and region of Somalia.
In parallel to IGAD’s mismanagement of Somalia, the international community is less concerned about what works and is best for the Somali people. The international community is delighted to spend resources and efforts on initiatives or experiments of their preference with the liberty to blame the Somalis for failures and for not grasping the “golden opportunities” offered to them. Jubbaland State is another spurious enterprise undertaken to abuse and confuse the exhausted people of Somalia. Will the Somali Elite be able to regain audacity, wisdom, stamina and sense of duty needed to challenge the current debilitating approach and steer Somalia to the right direction for the common good? Time will tell.
The Ethiopian Sports Federation in North America (ESFNA) is a non-profit, tax-exempt organization founded in 1984 to promote amateur soccer and cultural events within the Ethiopian community in the North America. Over the past several years, ESFNA has become a cultural and sports center for Ethiopians in North America. Every year more than twenty thousand Ethiopians and American friends spend one week in the host city by taking part in the sports and cultural events organized for their enjoyment.
This year Dallas, U.S.A. was selected to host the event from July 1 to 7, 2012. After a splinter group that was funded and supported by the regime in Ethiopia and the financing tycoon, Al Amoudi, launched its own AESAONE (All Ethiopian Sports Association ONE) event, organized a similar event in Washington DC, many feared that it would divide the community and cause confusion. However, the Ethiopian community largely attended and remained with the oldest and parent organisation ESFNA in Dallas. According to De Birhan's partners in U.S.A., the event in Dallas was in short a "success". The videos below capture some of the fun in ESFNA's colorful "Ethiopian Day" event. Check it out.
The Birthday of Ethiopia's exceptional King, our most dearest King of Kings Emperor (Emyee) Menelik II is fastly approaching. It is on 17 August. The preparation for his birthday is well underway.. One of De Birhan's readers and good colleague has sent us a big surprise last weekend. We have kept it with us for a while but now is the time for you, our esteemed readers to listen to it. It is Emperor Menelik's voice. Yes his VOICE!
HIM Emperor Menelik II of Ethiopia
Yes Emeoror Emperor Menelik II who was baptized as Sahle Maryam in Angolela, Debre Birhan, was Negus/King of Shewa (1866-1889), then Nəgusä Nägäst (King of Kings) of Ethiopia and died 12 December 1913. Yes the King we dearly call Emeyee. The King, who paid his blood and flesh to keep Ethiopia's present territorial and national sovereignty by for the first time in world history defeating a Northern colonizing nation, Italy, at the battle of Adewa.
It is his voice. We bet you never heard of it.
According to our source (knowledgeable and very close to such materials) who sent us this clip, " the message of Emperor Menelik was sent to Queen Victoria few years before he died."
Speaking in Amharic Language, Emperor Menelik lays out the issue of Metema, a border town between North West Ethiopia and Sudan, plainly to Queen Victoria.
To listen Emperor Menelik II voice, Click De Birhan. We have archived it on Internet Archive also.
We owe our deepest gratitude to the person who sent us this rare and most historical recording of His Imperial Majesty the Exceptional King, Emperor Emyee Menelik II.
Here we have produced the YouTube version of it with our colleagues at ECADF. In the coming few days - We will come up with an astounding video clip having Emperor Menelik's Voice.
After we uploaded the audio of HIM Emperor Emyee Menelik II, some readers have been asking if this was true at all and the two ever exchanged a voice message.
To give an academic substantiation to this recording, we refer to a research conducted by Cambridge University in 1969. The Research titled "Emperor Menelik's Phonograph Message to Queen Victoria" by Abraham Demoz appearing on Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 32, No.2 pp. 251-256.
The Paper states
In 1898 Queen Victoria sent a recording of her voice to the Emperor of Ethiopia and his Queen, Itege Taitu, together with some phonograph apparatus. The following year (1899) Menelik and Taitu returned the complement by making recordings of their voices and sending them to Queen Victoria. The latter recordings have been preserved in the Royal Library at Windsor Castle.
As most ahead thinking as he was, when King Menelik heard, he showed much interest in it and asked for it to be played again and again. You can read the paper Here.
The second primary historical source that reported the message exchange between Queen Victoria and Emperor Menelik is the Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume XXXIV, Issue 11187, of 31 March 1899, Page 4. The Paper reported the Queen had first sent a phonograph message through her Envoy, Harrington and Emperor Menelik after delightfully listening to it sent back His own and his Wife's recorded message. To read Hawke's Bay Herald, click here.
With up to 95% of EU member states’ trade (by volume) transported by sea and 20% of global trade passing through the Gulf of Aden, according to a June 07, 2012 report by EUNAVFOR, the considerable concern and engagement of the European Union (EU) is understandable.
Cognizant of these vested interests, the EU has been involved on the peace,security and development issues of the Horn of Africa (HOA). Especially, following the adoption of a "Strategic Framework for the Horn of Africa" by the EU Council of Ministers on 14 November 2011, EU's involvement in the region has been framework and intensified. EU has recently launched new projects and programs to combat piracy and for peace and security of the HoA.
De Birhan has learnt that the EU, following its two earlier missions the European Union Naval Force (EUNAVFOR – Operation Atalanta) and the EU Training Mission (EUTM) in Somalia, has launched a new civilian mission to strengthen its presence and activities in the Horn of Africa, EUCAP NESTOR. EUCAP NESTOR will be a civilian mission carried out under the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), augmented with military expertise, says EU External Action in its report.
Mandated for two years, EUCAP NESTOR will have two missions : Strengthening the sea going maritime capacity of Djibouti, Kenya, Tanzania, and the Seychelles and strengthening the Rule of Law sector in Somalia, with an initial focus on the regions of Puntland and Somaliland..In particular, the mission willsupport the set-up and training of a land-based coastal police force. Ultimately, the EUCAP Nestor mission will offer an exit strategy for operation Atalanta through a gradual take-over of the responsibilities for maritime security by regional states themselves, it says.
Similarly, on Wednesday 23 June 2012 a new Djiboutian Naval Operations Centre was opened in Djbouti to "provides the Djiboutian maritime forces with an enhanced capability to track ship movements in their territorial waters." EU NAVFOR ships will be conducting exercises in the coming weeks with the Djiboutian Navy and Coast Guard.
European Naval Force Somalia – Operation ATALANTA (EU NAVFOR – ATALANTA) launched in December 2008 has also been extended until December 2014. It typically comprises 4 – 7 Surface Combat Vessels and 2 – 3 Maritime Patrol and Reconnaissance Aircraft.EU NAVFOR ATALANTA operates in a mission area covering an area from the south of the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Western part of the Indian Ocean including the Seychelles. The area of Operation also includes Somali coastal territory as well as its territorial and internal waters. The EU Training Mission (EUTM Somalia)on the other hand, trains Somali soldiers in Uganda to contribute to strengthening the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and the institutions of Somalia.
Senaiet, personally known to this writer, graduated in Journalism and Communications from the University of Addis Abeba with BA Degree in 2009. Soon after graduation, she produced an up-to-date CV and started looking for journalism jobs all across Ethiopia.
“You don’t know how times change” she speaks to De Birhan.
“Times have changed. Even the smallest sized local media are very selective these days. There is an overflow of journalism graduates and there are fewer media to employ us. I suffered a lot looking for a job in the mass media. Were it not for my aunty, who compassionately shelters and supports me, I would have died by now” Senaiet gives out.
Directionless, using the 5000 birr financial credit she received from the City’s Credit Institution, Senaiet opened a small grocery in 2010.
“A journalist turned grocer” she calls herself humorously.
The business ran for two years with little profit. “I am born to be a journalist not a business person” she says. Unable to cope with loss, deficit and debts, she closed the business and began working as a typist in a small Stationary in Piassa, Addis Abeba. One of Senaiet’s four best friends after finishing her BA in Journalism got married to a European man and now lives in Europe while her two other friends live with their families in Addis Abeba still searching for media jobs since graduation. Their Journalism Degrees gracefully hanging in their bedrooms.
Journalism training in Ethiopian Universities
Terje S. Skjerdal’s 2011 paper, Teaching journalism or teaching African journalism? Experiences from foreign involvement in a journalism programme in Ethiopia, states thatEthiopia got its first permanent journalism school in 1996 when the previous Ethiopian Mass Media Training Institute (EMMTI) (formerly known as MMTI and MMTC) established its diploma programme. The Institute took 80% governmental journalists and 20% private applicants until it was finally incorporated as an undergraduate division of the Addis Abeba University School of Journalism and Communications in 2006 and was renamed AAU SJC. The Faculty of Journalism and Communication at Addis Ababa University in 2010/2011 accommodated approximately 70 students in the graduate division and approximately 600 students (full-time and part-time) in undergraduate programmes, according to Terje S. Skjerdal, 2011.
Before that, Ethiopian journalists either took part in short courses or went abroad to specialize in the field. It has been the trend within Ethiopian media that for one to be employed as a journalist in broadcast media the requirements were good voice and appearance while writing skills for print media. Most journalists were self trained with little or no academic training. The most famous case is journalist and author, Pawlos
Gnogno. The late
Pawlos studied only up to fourth grade but was one of the most accomplished Ethiopian journalists and was author and translator of several books. He was self-taught.
During the times of Emperor Hailesellasie, Mal Goode, the American “Dean of black journalism”, had reportedly trained many journalists (obviously as propagandists of the empire/ror). The Marxist Derg regime (1974-91) effectively used media and journalists as ‘indoctrination channels of communism’.
Today, in 2011, journalism courses or degrees (BA, diploma or single courses) are offered in at least eight regional universities (Axum, Mekelle, Debub, Bahir Dar, Dilla, Hawasa, Arba Minch and Jigjiga). Journalism and communication courses are also offered at two private institutions: Rift Valley University College and New Generation University College. Unity University College, also a private institution, opened a diploma study in journalism in 2000 with assistance from two American universities, but the program currently has a very small student body. (Terje S. Skjerdal, 2011).
Today, there are over 3000 journalism students in Ethiopian higher institutions potentially joining the media market in the next couple of years as fresh graduates.De Birhan’spartners in Ethiopia recorded from their visits in these universities that except Addis Abeba University the other six public universities don’t have laboratory, news room and studios where students can practice. Over 80% of the course is theoretical while 20% is practical. De Birhan spoke to a prospective graduate of Journalism and Communications majoring in Broadcast Media, according to the student, the problem of Ethiopian journalism students is not only that they couldn't find media jobs in Ethiopia but also that they over 80% of the students didn't choose the field when they joined University.
Almost all (85 or 90 %) of the students do not join the
field by their choice to study. My first choice was not journalism. We were forced by the Ministry of Education and we perform bad in the study. Most of the students including me are not
capable of writing or editing any piece of writing because we didn't have
any experience and interest to it from the start, but imagine we have spent 3 years studying Journalism.
The student also complains about the capability of journalism educators in Ethiopia. He said that most of them either had no related academic background to journalism or experience. This further kills the hope of being a journalist in Ethiopia added with the repressive media atmosphere.
The following table shows the name of Ethiopia public universities that offer Journalism and Communications courses and/or plan to start one soon.
S.No
Name of the University
Training programs
Course in Journalism
1
Arba Minch University
Planning to launch BA in
journalism in extension program in 2012
Three journalism courses for English and Amharic Language and Literature students
2
Addis Ababa University
BA Degree in Journalism and
MA in journalism and communication
Three journalism courses for English and Amharic Language and Literature students
3
Axum University
Planning to launch BA in
journalism in regular program in the
future
Three journalism courses for English Language and Literature
students
4
Ambo University
Planning to launch BA in
journalism in regular program in 2011
Three journalism courses for English Language and Literature
students
5
Awassa/Hawassa
Planning to launch BA in
journalism in regular program in 2012
Three journalism courses for English Language and Literature
students
6
Adama University
Planning to launch BA in
journalism in regular program in the
future
Three journalism courses for English Language and Literature
students
7
Haromaya/Alemaya
There are also courses
called “Agricultural Journalism” for rural development students
Three journalism courses for English and Oromo Language and
Literature students
8
Bahir Dar University
Post-Graduate Diploma in
Communication with select courses of journalism and BA Degree in Journalism
Three journalism courses for English and Amharic Languages and Literature students
9
Dilla University
BA Degree in Journalism
BA Degree in Journalism
10
Dire Dwa University
Three journalism courses for English Language and Literature
students
Three journalism courses for English and Amharic Language and Literature students
11
Debre Markos University
Three journalism courses for English and Amharic Language and Literature students
12
Debre Birhan University
Three journalism courses for English and Amharic Language and Literature students
13
Jimma University
Planning to launch BA in
journalism in regular program in the
future
Three journalism courses for English ,Amharic Oromo Language and Literature students
14
Mekelle University
BA Degree in Journalism
Three journalism courses for English
Language and Literature students
15
Mada-Wallabu University
Three journalism courses for English Language and Literature
students
16
Mizan-Teppi University
Three journalism courses for English Language and Literature
students
17
Wello University
Planning to launch BA in
journalism in regular program
Three journalism courses for English Language and Literature
students
18
Woliyeta Sodo University
Three journalism courses for English Language and Literature
students
19
Wellega University
BA Degree in Journalism
Three journalism courses for English Language and Literature
students
20
Semmera University
Three journalism courses for English Language and Literature
students
21
Jiijiga University
BA Degree in Journalism
Three journalism courses for English Language and Literature
students
Compilation by De Birhan Colleagues in Addis Abeba, June 2012
The Ethiopian Media Environment
The Ethiopian media is fully monopolized by the State media. Upon the coming to power of the current regime in 1991, the regime promised and relatively allowed the press freedom to flourish. Innumerable newspapers and magazines mushroomed. Although promising, it was not rosy. The first journalist to face the tyrannical hands of the regime was, Eskinder Nega, who still languishes in Kaliti prisons. As the years went by and the press got stronger voice and power, the regime increased its pressure and repression equally. More journalists left the country, more papers ceased publication and the regime got harsher.
Upon the 2005 election and media crackdown, the Ethiopian regime signed a communion with itself not to allow any press freedom in the country. Several journalists were arrested, harassed and exiled. Many papers were closed. Different laws were promulgated to stifle and repress the free press. Post 2005 Ethiopia has seen one of the worst eras in Ethiopia's press history and the future looks no better. The laws have been stifling, the market has been dying, seasoned journalists have been fleeing, and the number of media have been plummeting. Yes Press Freedom means journalist safety. There would be no free journalist or press in the absence of press freedom. Present day's Ethiopia media is a response to reaction.
The next table shows some of the so called "commercial" broadcasters in Ethiopia. From the list only Sheger 102.1 FM media can relatively be labelled 'commercial' compared to the other five. Although Sheger FM is still accused of having links with the ruling party heavy weights and one of the major reasons why it was given permission to open its FM Radio Station, is still by far 'private and commercial', an informal audience analysis of this writer carried out finds out. Afro FM 105.3 plays only entertainment and social issues via the English language. Most of its program times are slotted to music thus can't be assessed in any the categories. The other three media are all party owned and an analysis of their contents reveal that they are 'anti independent voices and pro ruling party' at times advocating the 'arrest of certain free press journalists'.
በሚያዚያወር 2004 ዓ.ምየጋዜጦችናየመፅሔቶችአማካይስርጭትመጠን (Average weekly circulation rate of Ethiopian newspapers and Magazines in April 2004 )
1. Newspapers
ተ.ቁ.
የህትመቱስም(Name of Newspaper)
ቋንቋ
የጊዜሰሌዳ
ይዘት
ሳምንታዊአማካይየስርጭትመጠን (Weekly Circulation rate)
ምርመራ
1
ሪፖርተር
አማርኛ
በሳምንት 2 ጊዜ
ፖለቲካ ኢኮኖሚና ማኅበ ራዊ ጉዳዮች
10,712
የእሁድ ዕትም
9,233
የረቡዕ ዕትም
The
Reporter
እንግሊዝኛ
ሳምንታዊ
"
3,140
2
አዲስ አድማስ
አማርኛ
"
"
12,000
3
ሰንደቅ
"
"
"
1,060
4
ኢትዮ ቻናል
"
“
"
2,250
5
ነጋድራስ
"
"
"
1,000
6
መሰናዘሪያ
"
"
"
960
7
ፍትሕ
“
“
“
21,750
8
ፍኖተ ነፃነት
"
"
"
1,983
9
የኛፕሬስ
“
“
“
1,000
10
The Sub
Saharan Informer
እንግሊዘኛ
"
"
1,200
11
ፕሬስ ዳይጀስት
“
“
“
230
12
The
daily Monitor
“
ዕለታዊ
ንግድና ማስታወቂያ
1,690
13
Capital
"
ሳምንታዊ
ፖ/ኢ/ማህበራዊ ጉዳዮች
5,625
14
Fortune
"
"
"
7,750
15
ሜዲካል
“
"
ጤናና ስነልቦና
2,345
16
ዎርልድ ሰፖርት
አማርኛ
ሳምንታዊ
ስፖርት
6,300
17
ሊግ ስፖርት
"
"
"
2,833
18
ኢትዮ- ስፖርት
"
"
"
10,333
19
ሀትሪክ
"
"
"
3,633
20
ኢንተር ሰፖርት
"
"
"
6,400
21
ዘገነርስ
"
"
"
3,867
22
አል ቁድስ
"
"
ሃይማኖት
1,700
23
ሠለፊያ
«
“
"
8,000
24
ሰውቱል ኢስላም
አማ/እንግ/አረብኛ
“
“
2,270
2. Magazines
ተ.ቁ.
የህትመቱስም (Name of the Magazine)
ቋንቋ
የጊዜሰሌዳ
ይዘት
ወርሃዊየስርጭትመጠን (Weekly circulation rate)
ምርመራ
1
ንግሥት
አማርኛ
በየ15
ቀኑ
ባህልና
ኪነጥበብ
8,500
በየ
15 ቀኑ የሚታተም ሆኖ የወሩ ድምር ነው፡፡
2
ቃልኪዳን
"
በየ15
ቀኑ
“
4,000
በየ
15 ቀኑ
3
ዕንቁ
“
“
“
8,000
በየ
15 ቀኑ የሚታተም ሆኖ የወሩ ድምር ነው፡፡
4
ቁም ነገር
“
ወርሃዊ
“
3,000
5
ማራኪ
አማርኛ
በየ15
ቀኑ
“
5,000
በየ15ቀኑ የሚታተም
6
ሎሚ
አማርኛ
በየ
15 ቀኑ
“
12,000
“
7
ቆንጆ
“
“
“
10,000
“
8
ሊያ
“
ወርሃዊ
“
2,500
ወርሃዊ
9
አርሂቡ
“
“
“
2,500
“
10
አቦል
“
“
“
3,000
“
11
ዞማ
እንግሊዘኛ
“
“
300
“
12
አዲስ ጉዳይ
"
በየ15
ቀኑ
ማህበራዊና
ኢኮኖሚያዊ
20,000
በየ15ቀኑ የሚታተም ሆኖ የወሩ ድምር ነው፡፡
13
አዲስ ታይምስ
“
ወርሃዊ
ኢ/ማ/ባ-ኪነጥበብ
2,000
14
መዝገበኞች
“
“
ፍልስፍናና
ስነ-ፅሁፍ
2,000
15
ኢቦኒ
“
“
ፋሽንና
ሞዴሊንግ
5,000
16
ላይፍ
“
ወርሃዊ
“
4,500
17
ፋሽን
“
“
“
1,500
18
ፓሽን ሰፖርት
“
“
ሰፖርት
250
19
ናሽናል ኮንሸራክስን
“
ወርሃዊ
ኮንስትራክሽን
3,000
20
ሙሐዝ
አማ/እንግሊዘኛ
“
ፖ/ኢ/ማህበራዊ
500
21
የሙስሊሞች ጉዳይ
አማ/ኦሮሚኛና እንግሊዘኛ
“
ሃይማኖት
5,000
22
ጌሤም
አማርኛ
ወርሃዊ
“
10,000
23
አል-ኢስላም
አማ/አረብኛናኦሮሚኛ
በ15
ቀን
“
2,500
Source : Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority, 2012
As the above tables show, there are a total of only 24 newspapers in circulation in Ethiopia today. Two were reportedly closed since April 2012 making them only 22. The newspapers include daily and weekly, English and Amharic media. Most of the contents are entertainment and culture orientated. The case is similar with magazines. There are 23 magazines in Ethiopia today, with 90% of them focusing on art and culture.
Only one Newspaper has more than 20,000 weekly circulation rates, Feteh Newspaper. The Amharic weekly is famous for its assertive and authoritative political commentaries and News items. Still, compared to newspapers that were published in and before 2005, it is still doing inferior. Before its closure, Eskinder Nega's Menelik Newspaper alone had a circulation rate of over 100,000 per week. Today, all the newspapers published in Ethiopia struggle to make 100,000 total weekly circulations in amalgamation.
The above tables also show that Ethiopia has one of the most smallest numbers of media houses and circulation in Africa. If a country doesn't have a lucrative, accommodating, promising, growing and free media, journalists would find it difficult to perform. A look at neighboring Kenya supports the above discussion.
Kenya
Regarding the Kenyan case, we refer to
Kenyan Journalism Studies blog, http://kenya-features.blogspot.com.
The blog in its 2011 entry titled About Journalism
Training in Kenya states that colleges that offer journalism courses are
growing in parallel with the opportunities,
Jomo
Kenyatta University College offers best diploma and degree courses. Other
colleges which provide journalism and mass communication education in Kenya
include;The
University of Nairobi, Moi University, Maseno University, Daystar University,
Catholic University of Eastern Africa and Jomo Kenyatta University of
Agriculture and technology. Kenyatta University offers degree programs in Film
& Theatre Studies. Other universities include St Paul Theological College,
Africa Nazarene University and Presbyterian University.Beside the universities, several public and private
middle level colleges also offer journalism and media studies. Notable among
them is the East Africa School of Media studies, Kenya Polytechnic among others.
The positive development is that the field is open to scholars and
communication researchers.
According to the compilation
by De Birhan, there are more than 90
FM stations, 14 TV stations and four daily newspapers, and several weekly and
monthly newspapers and magazines in Kenya. Similarly, Kenya has one of the most vibrant
online media with some of them having regional coverage and readership.
“For the most part, the media is under private ownership; print,
broadcast, and Internet outlets are numerous and varied; and the nation’s press
institutions are well-established and vigorous. In fact, Kenya is a beacon, and
in some cases a home, to journalists in exile from repressive neighboring
countries.” Ron Singer under the title “how free is the free press in
Kenya” wrote in August 2011 on Open Democracy.
This composition and strength of
the media in Kenya has attracted prospective journalism graduates not only from
Kenya but from neighboring countries. The media market in Kenya is not only marketable
to journalists but to journalism graduates that would work in research, teaching
and analysis of the sector. Some of the international and regional media organizations
are also headquartered in Kenya.
Vs
When Ethiopian media and universities are comparatively analysed with Kenyan media and universities, Ethiopia lags behind in many terms. The Ethiopian regime enrolls a large number of students with a mere focus on quantitative growth. Upon graduation these fresh graduates find no media environment/market that accommodates and absorbs them. It is also severely restricted and a dangerous field of work to be on. Where as, as the colleges intake of media students grow, the Kenyan media market simultaneously grows in size, form, saturation and freedom.
Background Info of Mekelle University Department of Journalism introduction reads as follows,
“The role played by mass media and press agencies in promoting democracy and development of a given country is indisputable. As a developing nation, engaged in bringing tangible social and economic change, Ethiopia needs well-qualified journalists and communicators. The country has long been in a need of such professionals. However; until very recently, none of its higher institutions offered a Journalism and Communications program as a separate field of study. Thus, it is with this vision in mind that the department of Journalism and Communication was established in 2005 under the then faculty of Education."
The other Ethiopian universities also have similar background and visions. They promise to produce "well-qualified journalists and communicators". As the Ethiopia enjoys, construction boom longing for more engineers, the large number of engineers coming out of these universities are being accepted with open arms by the market. However, the case is reverse in the case of media graduates. As large number of students graduate more and more media houses close their doors and the atmosphere gets stifled.
“Most
journalists in Ethiopia work in the state-owned media. Of the estimated 1700
practising journalists in the country, 1300 are employed by the state media in
some form. The largest institution, Ethiopian Radio and Television Agency
(ERTA), employs 512 journalists in television and 560 in radio (Desta, 2007).
Ethiopian News Agency has 125 journalists in total (Teshome, 2007: 1), and the
four newspapers published by the state-owned Ethiopian Press Agency (Ethiopian Herald, Addis Zemen, Berissa and Al-alem) employ
approximately 120 journalists (Nebiyu, 2008: 27f). The journalism community in
Ethiopia, like in many other African countries, could then (somewhat
provocatively) be said to comprise of mainly ‘government workers’.” writes Terje S. Skjerdal, 2008 in Conflicting professional obligations
among government journalists in Ethiopia.
The Ethiopian private media is the next employer after the government but it still employs quite a small fraction of the graduates. The government media doesn't seem to grow except mutating itself like an amoeba dividing into branches of same corporation. There are also few international media and media focused NGOs/centers in Ethiopia to recruit the fresh graduates. Websites and blogs run by the Ethiopian Diaspora and could have potentially employed local readers were all blocked in Ethiopia. According to a recent analysis by an Ethiopian based blogger, there are 109 websites and blogs blocked in Ethiopia, most hosted outside Ethiopia.
Conclusion
Few years ago the major challenges
of Ethiopian media emanated from three major sources: attack by governmental and nongovernmental agents (arbitrary arrests, censorship, mafia attacks, intimidation and other forms of assault and laws),
media business challenges (funding, adverts, paper costs, restrictive
directives on state journalists, backward technology, absence of a neutral
press council and problems related to the profession itself) and financial
(poorly salaried journalists, lack of
media jobs, zero investment on media and the like). Today, Ethiopian journalists
suffer from countless injuries and live in fear anticipating severe consequences for their work.
This writer knows few journalist colleagues of himself who stopped
communicating with him via e-mail since the successive of arrests of Ethiopian journalists
last year citing their personal email exchanges as evidences by the prosecutor.
“Ethiopia: Journalists Live in Fear of 'Terror' Law” was the title of ChARLAYNE HUNTER-GAULT’S 19 June 2012 article. Charlayne says,
When I visited Ethiopia earlier this month with a colleague from the CPJ and the continent-wide project called the African Media Initiative, journalists we met with told us they all live in fear, calling the terrorism law a "game changer." One foreigner working in Ethiopia told me: "There is a red line. The problem is, we don't know where it is."
Similarly, William Davison on his recent article that appeared on The Christian Science Monitor said,
One leading local writer doesn't answer phone calls from abroad any more, unless it's family calling: Contact with banned organizations based outside the Horn of Africa countries was part of the evidence used to prosecute other local journalists this year under a 2009 anti-terrorism law.
In the middle of this media chaos,
extremely narrowing media space and gloomy future of Ethiopian media, Ethiopia
graduates and plans to be the main hub of journalism studies in Africa. This year alone over 1000 Ethiopian journalists have graduated from Ethiopian universities. When
the seven universities open their Journalism Departments in the next couple of
years, Ethiopia will have a total of 13 universities that graduate students with
BA in Journalism and Communications.In the next three years over 2500 students of Journalism and Communications will graduate. Then, Ethiopia becomes the leading source of numerous journalists in Africa with BA and MA degrees in the field. But, where and how
will all these journalists work in Ethiopia. Ethiopian journalists throughout the
past two decades anticipating and experiencing the repressions and poor working atmosphere, have exiled
themselves making the country number one in the world with exiled journalists, says CPJ's 2011 report. As the figures above
tell, almost all veteran, energetic and seasoned Ethiopian journalists have
either fled or changed their profession.
The profession has become a “No Fly
Zone”.
Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009 has bunged
the future of Ethiopian journalism. Be it an entertainment or a critical
political media, if any Ethiopian medium/journalist mentions the name of an opposition
party/leader that the regime deems “terrorist”, it is bound to prison life. A
self censorship made in an attempt to evade arrest, kills facts and the beauty
of journalizing. Yes, it is under such
media environment and future, that six Ethiopian universities currently are training
over 2500 undergraduate journalism and communications students. This number will doubled as seven more
universities open their departments.
And once again, where, what and
how will these prospective journalists work?
