So now i began reading other stuffs like romance, how to drink a barrel of beer and the like. I was also reading about data driven journalism. There is even a group called Data Driven Journalism. The Website of the organisation defines data driven journalism as ' Data driven journalism (also known as datajournalism or data journalism) is a journalistic process based on analyzing and filtering large data sets for the purpose of creating a new story."
And also says the other distinction is that data-driven journalism strives to reach new levels of service for the public, helping consumers, managers, politicians to understand patterns and make decisions based on the findings. As such, data driven journalism might help to put journalists into a role relevant for society in a new way.
So I said why not I do some data driven journalism 'meself '.
Do you by the way know about FAO's The Global Information and Early Warning System (GIEWS) Food Price Data and Analysis Tool ?
Well if you don't know it is a price tracking tool which allows to make charts out of different commodities and analyse the price elasticity and related marketing and financial judgements.The new version was just launched in April 2011, so you see i am a VIP to know this lol .
" The Global Information and Early Warning System (GIEWS) Food Price Data and Analysis Tool is a web-based mapping application for managing, assessing, analyzing and disseminating food price data and their potential impact on food security. Available data are mainly collected from national officials sources. The Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations (FAO) developed this tool in response to the need for better price information in the wake of the 2008 soaring food prices. " the foodsecuritylink.net reports. GIEWS covers now 78 countries and over 100 price series.
Let me begin with Teff. Our staple food.As the graph below shows the analysis was done based on the retail and wholesale prices of Teff per kilogram in Ethiopian Birr from the year 2000 to April 2011. As can be seen in the graph the wholesale price of a kilo of Teff in 2000 was 2.21birr/KG and now in June 2011 it is 8.58KG. This is the highest ever in the history of Ethiopia . The retail price is 7.83birr/KG.Click on the charts to enlarge :
Mazie
The second type of commodity a did comparison on was maize. I cross examined the price of maize per KG in dollars in Ethiopia,Kenya and International market (USA). In April,2011, a kilogram of Mazie was sold at a retail price of 0.33$, 0.44$ ,0.32$ in Nirobi ,Kenya, Addis Abeba,Ethiopia and USA/Gulf ,International market respectively. This tells that the price in Ethiopia was 10% higher than the others. The difference is expected to have reached over 20% at the end of this month.
See the graph below:
And the following statistics shows the highest and lowest ever prices of maize since 2000 in the three markets. In all the cases, the price in Ethiopia has been the highest.
Next time, I will do further statstical analysis of other commodities. Interestingly enough, Eritrea has no official record of its commodity prices since February 2009 making it impossible to do a comparison with however, within those periods as well, Ethiopia's food inflation was higher.
A graduate of the Addis Abeba University Law School ,Fikerte Tibebu, has been healed from blindness after being baptised with Holy Water in St. Stephen's Church of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church ,Addis Abeba , Ethiopia. Fikerte was blinded some 19 years ago when she was a 7th grade student . Before joining Ethiopia's Human Right Commission as a Legal Expert, she worked at different departments of the Addis Abeba City Administration.
Many couldn't beleive their eyes when they noticed the lady they knew for many years writing with a braille and walking with a stick, suddenly running.
The above videos supported with an audio News reporting from the Addis Abeba based private FM Radio,Sheger 102.1 and live scene of the the baptism and ''exorcism'' explains that she has been blind for almost two decades and able to see after being baptised in St. Stephen's Church of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church ,Addis Abeba , Ethiopia.
This is a miracle! It has been also proved by the modern world science .
Her last message to the Radio audience and people at large was unifingly principled "May the Creator visit all those people who are worried like me , according to their own faiths/religions! "
When i was at home , I have been able to see first hand similar types of religious miracles in Entonto St.Mary Church, one of the oldest churches in north of Addis Abeba , built by King Menelik II and his wife Empress Tayetu a century and half ago.
Since coming to Europe I have been hearing of similar miracles happening in St. Stephen Church in the middle of Addis Abeba.
The head preacher and baptiser ,now ''Priest'' according to sources, Girma Wondimu , also on the above video has been the person religiously helping the process of healing and cure in St. Stephen Church . There are around two dozens of video CDs produced so far showing the types,means,and ways of healing by the same Priest exorcist . All these miraculous healing are done according to the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church's ways and practices .
It was part of my plan to interview Priest Girma Wondimu in the past few months ,tough. I promise to interview him as soon as possible and produce a good report.
Until then ,I leave you with an article I wrote some five years ago about some of the amazing miracles i witnessed in the Entonto St. Mary Church.
I had witnessed and heard of testimonies of people cured from various diseases such as HIV/AIDS,Cancer and so on and also people were able to be healed from complete blindness,and other disabilities in the Church of Entoto St.Mary .
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Filling the gaps is crucial
By Anko Zuta
31-8-2005
The unstoppably disseminating TB/HIV co-infection has taken the life of thousands in Ethiopia . In the world over two billion people are estimated to live with tuberculosis where about 62-70 percent of Africa ’s population is infected by tuberculosis.
Ethiopia is one of the top 10 countries which are severely affected by TB standing seventh in the world and second in Africa next to Nigeria . Each year 300 out of 100,000 people are infected by TB in Ethiopia where in at this time around two million people are said to be contaminated.
As to Program member of the TB and Leprosy Control of the Ministry of Health Tuberculosis is a chronic infection caused by Micro-bacterial tuberculosis. It’s inclined by factors such as poverty, malnutrition, and crowded living and HIV infection.
The disease is especially becoming more associated and mounting with HIV infection.
As to the Ethiopian Ministry of Health (MOH) 2003/2004 report, an estimated number of 1.5-1.6 million people are living with HIV/AIDS in Ethiopia. And with a national prevalence rate of 4.4% over 700,000 of them being adults, the problem is even ever-increasing each year.
Deaths due to AIDS also brought down life expectancy gains from 53 to 46 in 2001. If the current death trend continues the anticipated life expectancy gain to 59 years will be reduced to 50 years.
Eventually, an increasing number of people living with HIV are turning into AIDS patients. For instance 263,000 patients in Ethiopia are in need of Anti Retroviral Treatment (ART) however only 8 percent or 20,000 of them reach ART.
HIV infection is by far the greatest risk factor for developing active tuberculosis and is also the leading cause of death among people living with HIV/AIDS in Africa.
Progress to control TB cases has been slow, with Directly Observed Treatment (PDT) coverage increasing by only six percent between 1998 and 2001 in Ethiopia. Though, in the 2001-2002 the coverage increased to 95 percent. This means that nearly all existing TB clinics now provide treatment under DOTS. However, detection of new TB cases stands at just 33 percent far short of the WHO 2005 target of 70%. This reflects that over 50% of Ethiopia ’s population doesn’t have access to primary health services and little infrastructure exists to expand DOTs. Unless there is rapid TB detection, DOTS and health services are extended, the rising rate of HIV/AIDS could cause the TB epidemic to spread out of control, as to the Open Society Institute report.
According to recent reports, in 2004 in Ethiopia 121,000 new TB patients were admitted. HIV is 30-50% present among TB patients where in the urban it is 40-60% and 20-30% prevalent in the rural. In the same way, the estimated number of TB deaths reached 60,938 with a 71% of new TB cases in adults (15-49 years), and 32% TB deaths that are HIV positive.
Though all these endeavours are being geared up by both the government and nongovernmental organizations to prevent and control both TB/HIV most of the society opts to head to the spiritual side than strictly follow medication. As soon as people find out they are HIV positive or are infected by TB they directly set off to their religious fathers and proceed as to what the religion advises.
The best example here is the increasing number of patients who walk to The Entoto Virgin Mary Church of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church in search of cure form HIV/AIDS and other ailments. As to the main baptizer, Hermit (Bahratwi) Gebremedhin Demese , in this Ethiopian fiscal (1997/8) year alone around half a million patients of different diseases were baptised with Holywater of which over 40 percent of them were HIV/AIDS and TB patients .
“The number of patients is increasing from year to year . They follow the rules and regulations of the Church and get healed either from TB or HIV/AIDS in a short period of time” he says.
Disease Prevention and Health Program Department member at the Ministry of Health says the breach to the spiritual option is mainly due to the expensive price of the drugs.
“Any patient can take normal diet in administering the drugs.” The Doctor states of the AIDS drugs.
He adds “if the population is well informed about the medication and that the drugs are available with the least price, the gaps will be plunged.”
“I don’t think that religion forbids taking drugs and we don’t oppose anyone going to the religious cult.” he says.
He noted that in the coming fiscal year more will be done in decreasing the price of drugs and more mobilization will be carried out, so that the predicament will be reduced
On the one hand, big efforts are being through by several bodies to tackle the spread of TB and HIV, while on the other hand the patients are roving to the opposite for the above stated factors.
The first basic cause for the of the gap is economic factor. To the best of anyone’s knowledge, over 50% of the Ethiopian population is below the poverty threshold and the other 25% is on the poverty line which totally makes 75%. This number of population can’t afford either the TB or AIDS drugs, so they go for the spiritual sect. In a condition where a single anti retroviral drug is sold over 200birr or 25 dollar it would be imprudent to expect any Ethiopian buy the drugs. The second is lack of proper diet. Though, doctors memo that any AIDS patient taking ARV can eat normal diet, for the recovery of the patient, its fact that it is much necessary to have a balanced diet for any patient as well for TB patients and which is impossible in our context. The third but not the least is the attitudinal background or typecast that exists towards medication and spirit/religion. It is that, when anyone gets sick, they are urged or suggested to go to the spiritual fathers than administer medication. Today, when this TB/HIV reached their max out, the number of people who stop the scientific medication and go to religious places also increased. All these three accompanied by other factors, make the gap even extensive and impossible to accomplish.
.Tewodros Mekbib is gives a testimony that he was cured from HIV/AIDS within 9 days of baptism in Entoto Mariam Church.
“I was born in Addis Ababa city district 12, Kebele 21 in home number 268. When I was very sick and bed ridden due to AIDS, a friend called Kibrom told me to go to the Entoto Mary Church .Because I was extremely sick and as there was no hope of revival in me, I decided to confess my sins and die in the church. However, after nine days off baptism, I got fully cured from the disease” he enlightens. He also shows his HIV test reports pre and after the baptism from a recognised medical Hospital.
Like Tewodros in the 2003/4 calendar over 800 and 1000 HIV and TB patients were healed respectively of the thousands of patients admitted to the Church, official documents of the church reveal.
The Pope of the ETO Church is advising that baptism and taking of the ART drugs go along; this is their way of filling the gaps.
There mayn't be a need of filling the gaps at all, though.
Human Rights, Freedom and Democracy should not be revolutionary concepts in this day and age, but similar to the struggles of other youth in the Middle East and parts of Africa, we are struggling to have them become more than just a dream but a reality for All Ethiopians. The winds of change have reached our borders and planted seeds of hope, that we as Ethiopian Youth must seize, to demand a better opportunity and way of life, for ourselves and for the future of Ethiopia. The era of tyranny and despotism is coming to an end in nations across the globe and so to must it end in Ethiopia! We the Ethiopian Youth National Movement (EYNM) are working to help facilitate this change and have established two critical goals to achieve our objectives: 1) Regime change through peaceful uprising and 2) Establishment of a transitional government that can pave the way to free and democratic elections.
Our first goal of overthrowing the dictatorial regime of Meles Zenawi will be accomplished in three phases (objectives). The first phase of our mission, which begun on the 28th May 2011, was to plant fear and intimidation in the regime and agitate the Ethiopian youth. We are proud to declare that this objective has been fulfilled. The regime’s high level of intimidation towards any movement by Ethiopians has been evident in their preparation for violent response against peaceful demonstrators. As another clear manifestation of the regime’s fear of the people, it is currently carrying out random mass arrests of young Ethiopians all over the country. Nevertheless such brutalities on the regime’s part will prove to be futile in stopping our Movement from bringing an inevitable end to Meles’ tyrannical rule.
We are currently planning the details of the second phase of our struggle, which will be a period of mass uprisings and demonstrations. This phase will run from September 2011 to December 2011. Of particular use to our mass uprising phase will be taking advantage of some Ethiopian national public events, such as: the famous Meskel Celebration (September 27, 2011) and the Great Ethiopian Run (November 19, 2011). This year, the aim of these national events will be changed so as to reflect the people’s frustration at the regime and to fuel further mass uprisings.
Although we plan for the demonstrations to begin from the start of September 2011, we hope to use the Meskel celebration to bring this revolution to the attention of all segments of our people and the world at large. The Meskel celebration includes the burning of a large bonfire, or Demera. While many believe that the Demera, marks the ultimate act in the cancellation of sins, mystics of old tradition hold that the direction of the smoke and the final collapse of the heap indicate the course of future events. This year, Ethiopians will burn TPLF’s dictatorship in the fire along with all the sins that it has committed against our people. Ethiopians will be singing revolutionary songs and chanting revolutionary slogans against the regime. Ethiopian youth will highjack this celebration to clearly display their anger at the regime and demand their country back. Another great opportunity similar to the above is the Great Ethiopian Run on November 19th, 2011. This is Africa’s greatest 10Km run. We will change the theme of the run this year to: “Run for freedom and democracy in Ethiopia.”
Our revolution requires large number of people, strict discipline and code of ethics, strategic and systematic planning at all levels, and massive recruiting and substantial worldwide attention. The EYNM is an independent and global Ethiopian youth movement, multiplying exponentially in Ethiopia and throughout the world, and conducting various small and large campaigns to weaken the regime. We ask all Ethiopians to join us in our future mass demonstrations, civil resistances and various campaigns so that we can change the fate of our people. No change will come from sitting idle and waiting for it to come. All Ethiopians, civic and political organizations should support our effort to overthrow what will be the last dictator in Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, once and for all.
Heavy flooding and snow hit different parts of Addis Abeba
By Anko Zuta, Blogger of De Birhan Blogspot
24-6-2011
Heavy rain and snow flooded houses in Addis Abeba,Ethiopia leaving many homeless and at a crisis.Homes in areas such as Piassa,Merkato and Cherkos have been flooded causing a minor humanitarian crisis.
In a nominal gesture, the Ethiopian government today gave donations to the victims of the natural disasters in Japan .Trees fell into houses and cars.Power outages also occurred in many parts of the city, with ambulance and fire brigades spending their day busy.
Reeyote Alemu, a young journalist, in an incommunicado
By Anko Zuta , Blogger of De Birhan Blogspot
22/6/2011
In manner that seems to have resumed the worst press crackdown of 2005 in Ethiopia, the ruling TPLF/EPRDF regime has arrested two journalists from the two remaining independent newspapers;Awramba Times and Fiteh (Justice) in a difference of two days.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) reported yesterday that Police picked up Woubishet Taye, deputy editor of the leading independent weekly Awramba Times, at his home in the capital, Addis Ababa, at 3 p.m. on Saturday and confiscated several documents, cameras, CDs, and selected copies of Awramba Times.
And today it has been reported that one of the few female free press journalists in Ethiopia, Reyote Alemu , columnist and reporter of Fiteh Newspaper was arrested yesterday. She had appeared in court today but was sent back to prison denied bail.Her house was searched for seven hours before she was taken to prison .
Reyote was also an Editor on Addis Press Newspaper and was a member of Andent Party before she finally left the party last year. She has also been teaching English language at a secondary school in Addis Abeba until she was arrested.Both Woubshet and Reyote are being held incommunicado and solitary confinement at the federal investigation center at Maekelawi Prisonin Addis Abeba.
''The arrest of these journalists has caused fear and chaos within the Newspapers and families of the young journalists.If the current crackdown continues , the history of 'the Ethiopian free press' dooms not to return at least within the current administration. '' a journalist in Addis Abeba opines.
A new development , Addis Neger Online reported that Kelelaw Kidane,another columnist of Fiteh (Justice) Newspaper, has disappeared since last Friday (17-6-2011).
In repressive Ethiopia, journalist disappearances are a rarity. In majority of the cases, the government is the perpetrator of the repression and abuse.
De Birhan calls the Meles Zenawi government to release these journalists now and advises Ethiopians to help the families of the arrested journalists.
Ethiopian journalist illegally detained since Sunday
New York, June 21, 2011--The Committee to Protect Journalists called on Ethiopian authorities today to immediately release journalist Woubshet Taye, at left, who has been held since Sunday.
Police picked up Taye, deputy editor of the leading independent weekly Awramba Times, at his home in the capital, Addis Ababa, at 3 p.m. and confiscated several documents, cameras, CDs, and selected copies of Awramba Times, local journalists told CPJ. The newspaper covers politics in-depth.
Taye is being held incommunicado at the federal investigation center at Maekelawi Prisonin the capital, local journalists said. In an interview with CPJ, Shemelis Kemal, a government spokesman, denied any journalists were in detention in the country. "I will check but there are no journalist arrests, incarcerated in Ethiopia," he said. "We have a law prohibiting pretrial detention of journalists. No arrest could be initiated on account of content."
Ethiopia's press law prohibits pre-trial detention of journalists, but two journalists of the state-controlled national broadcaster have been held on vague criminal charges for over a year, while two Eritrean journalists have disappeared in government custody since 2006, according to CPJ research. Also, under the Ethiopian constitution, police must charge or release citizenswithin 48 hours.
"The detention of Woubshet Taye is unlawful," said CPJ East Africa Consultant Tom Rhodes. "We call on Ethiopian authorities to release him at once."
Awramba Times Managing Editor Dawit Kebede, who was imprisoned for 21 months for critical coverage of a brutal government crackdown following disputed elections in 2005, has been the target of ongoing harassment by the Ethiopian administration and pro-government media outlets, according to CPJ research. Kebede won CPJ's International Press Freedom Award in 2010 for his commitment to journalism despite the repression. The Amharic-language weeklywas launched in 2008 after Kebede's release on conditional pardon and is today the second-largest newspaper in circulation in Ethiopia, according to CPJ research.
Three African states -- Somalia, Chad, and Sudan -- once again top this year's Failed States Index, the annual ranking prepared by the Fund for Peace and published by FOREIGN POLICY of the world's most vulnerable countries. For four years in a row, Somalia has held the No. 1 spot, indicating the depth of the crisis in the international community's longest-running failure.
Ethiopia ranks 20th.
The new edition of the index draws on some 130,000 publicly available sources to analyze 177 countries and rate them on 12 indicators of pressure on the state during the year 2010 -- from refugee flows to poverty, public services to security threats. Taken together, a country's performance on this battery of indicators tells us how stable -- or unstable -- it is. And the latest results show how much the 2008 economic crisis and its ripple effects everywhere, from collapsing trade to soaring food prices to stagnant investment, are still haunting the world.
Somalia's unending woes are the stuff hopelessness is made of. But elsewhere in the top 20, some countries showed improvement, even as others fell further behind. Afghanistan and Iraq both moved down the ranks, suggesting slight gains for the two war-torn countries as the United States seeks a sustainable exit strategy. Kenya moved out of the top 15, showing that the country continues to recover from its bloody post-election ethnic warfare of recent years. Liberia and East Timor, wards of the United Nations, largely stayed out of trouble. But Haiti, already a portrait of misery, moved up six places on the index, battered and struggling to cope with the aftermath of January 2010's tragic earthquake, which left more than 300,000 dead. Another former French colony, Ivory Coast, rejoined the top 10, grimly foreshadowing its devastating post-election crisis this year, while fragile Niger leapt four spots amid a devastating famine.
Africa's promise and peril are likely to figure prominently again this year, with 27 African countries scheduled to hold presidential, legislative, or local elections throughout 2011. As much as elections can contribute to democratic progress, they are often a flashpoint for conflict -- conflicts that invariably send already fragile states back up the ranks of the index. Uganda's incumbent President Yoweri Museveni won reelection in February, but the opposition has cried foul and his inauguration was met with violent protests. In Nigeria, steady in the rankings this year at No. 14, post-election rampages in April killed as many as 800 people. Sudan's closely watched referendum in January on an independent southern state was surprisingly free of bloodshed, but the country continues to hover on the brink of new violence.
As if its traumas last year weren't horrific enough, Haiti in 2011 is again proving to be a hard test for the world, with billions of dollars in donation pledges left unfulfilled and thousands still living in squalid tent camps, battling a cholera epidemic that has killed more than 4,600. After a fraud-marred first round, a presidential runoff election in March brought to power an untested stage performer nicknamed "Sweet Micky."
Perhaps the biggest challenge of all for 2011 will be dealing with the global fallout of the Arab revolutions, which began in Tunisia and quickly spread to Egypt, Bahrain, Libya, Yemen, and Syria. Few could have predicted that a street vendor's humiliation would be the spark that set an entire region ablaze, with consequences that may reach far beyond the Middle East. After all, if peaceful protesters can unseat an entrenched dictator in Cairo, why can't they take to the repressed streets of Tashkent or Rangoon?
JURIST Guest Columnist Abigail Salisbury of the Mekelle University Law Faculty in Mek'ele, Ethiopia, says that although the vast majority of Ethiopians publicly denounce H.R. 2003, the so-called Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act now going through Congress that links nonessential US assistance to fulfillment of various human rights obligations, the spirit of the bill is correct...
One of my law school casebooks included a 1960 photo of Bernardus Fourie, former South African Representative to the UN, taken when he was speaking before the Security Council. Here was a man sent to represent his country at a time when it was subject to near-universal criticism for its policy of apartheid. When I looked at the photograph I inspected the individuals on either side of him, trying to gauge their reactions to his remarks. I studied his facial expression and posture, trying to imagine myself in his place. I could not stop asking myself how he must have felt at that very moment captured in the picture, when he was placed in the exceedingly awkward position of publicly representing a country which was under such heavy attack from nearly all sides. Since then, I have had that same question tucked into the back of my mind, and just when I ran across the photo again I was forced to represent America as it was being denounced, causing me to reexamine my beliefs about my own country.
Last month I was invited by my Ethiopian host institution, the Mekelle University Law Faculty, to participate in a panel discussion on H.R. 2003, also known as the Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007. This American bill, passed in October by the US House of Representatives and now before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, would withdraw nonessential assistance from Ethiopia until its government fulfills various human rights obligations as set forth by Congress. As the only American on the Law Faculty's staff, I found myself the de facto representative of the United States, held responsible for explaining and justifying the legislation and its policy objectives. The hall was packed, standing room only at the back, but of all the Ethiopian professors and law students in attendance, not one person believed that it might somehow improve their nation’s situation. Instead, it was unanimously interpreted as an illegal violation of Ethiopian sovereignty. As I listened to the comments of others, I got the impression that there was a perceived air of imperialism in the document. In other words, although all states are equal, depending on their level of development some are more equal than others. As an American, I often feel that when it comes to public opinion, we can never win. When we involve ourselves in the affairs of other nations, we are denounced for apparently believing that we have the right to run the whole world, regardless of law or outside approval. If, on the other hand, we elect to stay out of a conflict, then we are portrayed as cold and unfeeling, only caring about the suffering of others when there is money at stake. When abroad I am often told that Americans are dilettantes in the field of humanitarian intervention, only pushing for change when there is something to gain. This perceived hypocrisy has been worsened by some past administrations, who have been accused of complying with and aiding various regimes in order to achieve their own objectives, almost viewing dictators as the expediters permitted under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. However, some of these short-sighted decisions have come back to haunt us in recent years, indicating a practical — if not entirely altruistic — need for a change. Probably the most frequently-cited example of these policies’ shortcomings is Osama bin Laden, one product of the Cold War-era strategy that the enemy of our enemy was our friend.Accordingly, H.R. 2003 on its face seems to assert Congress’s intent to start fresh. It could potentially be viewed as the legislature’s use of its power of the purse to set foreign policy so that America will no longer support tyrannical governments out of expediency. The problem, however, is that Congress is in some ways commandeering the President’s post. In the past, some of the legislative powers set forth in the Constitution have been widely interpreted in U.S. domestic courts, perhaps most notably its authority over interstate commerce, which has over the years been stretched to permit regulation of myriad seemingly-unrelated areas. Indeed, from that vantage point H.R. 2003 seems to be yet another attempt to retrofit the Constitution in a manner which appears to offend the principle of the separation of powers. Even if the domestic court system holds this exercise of authority to be proper, much of the international legal community will remain unsatisfied, believing that the legislation requests Ethiopian subordination in contravention of the so-called “Friendly Charter” of 1970 which mandates:
No State or group of States has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any reason whatever, in the internal or external affairs of any other State. Consequently armed intervention and all other forms of interference or attempted threats against the personality of the State or against its political, economic and cultural elements, are in violation of international law.
Such language, however, pulls the legal ground out from under any and every type of humanitarian intervention. The document, which has been called the “tyrant’s charter” by Geoffrey Robertson, QC, is so open to abuse on its face that one can not reconcile it even with entering a country to provide aid and stop genocide. Clearly, since 1970 there have been many such violations of international law without strict enforcement, indicating a lack of desire to apply its literal language to such foreign interference. Thus, this argument for applying the Friendly Charter in order to invalidate H.R. 2003 internationally is weak. Some Ethiopians go farther, though, stating that the bill amounts to coercion or intimidation, reaching the level of interference and threats against Ethiopia. While I do not believe that the bill was meant to intimidate, it was clearly intended to persuade the Ethiopian government to change its ways, using economic restrictions as a tool. In American law, such an intent is not automatically invalid, because federal aid often comes with strings attached for the states which accept them, and we have a body of case law as a reference point for determining the acceptability of those strings. In international policy, as well, embargoes and economic sanctions are commonplace, and Congress took care in H.R. 2003 to specify that America would only be withdrawing “nonessential United States assistance” separate from funds used for hunger programs, health care, etc. There is no universal travel or import/export restriction such as the decades-long embargo we have imposed on Cuba, for instance. Ethiopians bristle at such a comparison because it tends to imply that since the international community tolerates our stance on Cuba, then it should similarly permit the mandates of H.R. 2003. The analogy is false, many Ethiopians feel, because they have neither threatened nor used force against the U.S. In effect, they see America as taking retaliatory measures which would be appropriate in wartime, but without having been attacked. They find similarly unimpressive any comparisons to other instances when America tried its hand at foreign state-building, because although Congress is trying to encourage the institution of democracy in the post-conflict environment of Ethiopia, it is doing so at a distance and with no right. The U.S. is involved in negotiations for the future of Kosovo and is trying to set benchmarks for Iraq, but it has a physical presence and interest in those places because of its prior military efforts, whereas it has no such relationship with Ethiopia. After listening to the Ethiopians’ opinions and putting them into legal terms, I began to wonder whether Congress is attempting to bootstrap the concept of universal jurisdiction in the courts and turn it into a drafting doctrine, permitting it to legislate at a distance should conditions sufficiently shock the conscience. Some Ethiopians do suspect that America is using H.R. 2003 to disguise some other activity or motive, with Mekelle law professors wondering if this is the beginning of the development of another concept of sovereignty altogether. It is true that Congress is really only dictating how American aid money should be spent and thus is not creating binding laws for Ethiopia in the strictest sense, but dangling conditional aid in front of a country this poor does not allow for real domestic decision-making in Addis Ababa. Instead, Ethiopia starts to be governed from Washington, which would be just fine with some people. Several members of the audience at the law faculty’s discussion forum made vehement statements to the effect that developing nations do not have the luxury of debating the legality of such legislation, and Ethiopia must just accept America’s terms for the good of the nation. Let us say, however, that Ethiopia or any other country in a similar position refuses to comply with the terms of such legislation. Research suggests that economic sanctions or their functional equivalents imposed in response to human rights violations actually exacerbate existing problems. Robert Pape from the University of Chicago has demonstrated that the true results of such measures include losses for foreign investors and subsequent worsening of the local situation. One can easily envision that when people lose their jobs due to withdrawal of foreign investment, they will have nowhere to turn but to the government, which therefore ends up getting more powerful. The strengthened administration will be able to rally additional support by setting up those who imposed the sanctions as the immoral enemy.I can certainly understand the view held by some that America has needy groups at home and has no obligation to send money abroad. Thus, it would follow, if America in its benevolence decides to confer aid to foreign governments, then at least we should have the right to make sure the money is not funding cruel regimes. In short, this is the philosophy, “Play by my rules or I’ll take my football and go home.” In the midst of exasperated attempts to discuss H.R. 2003, I have sometimes wanted to say something to that effect. There is a sense amongst many of the foreign aid workers whom I have met here that Ethiopians have developed a sense of entitlement. It is true that this could just be stressed people complaining about the locals to let off steam. However, during the H.R. 2003 discussion forum there seemed to be a general assumption that Ethiopia is entitled to American aid. Throughout all the exploration of the various legal issues involved, no one ever doubted that the money belongs to the Ethiopian people. When I worked up the courage to mention the issue, I was rather strongly told that America has a moral obligation to provide assistance to Ethiopia.One very practical and compelling reason for criticizing Congress is that many do not agree with the factual findings used as justification for the actions to be taken. There is more than a little hypocrisy in US legislators putting heavy emphasis on alleged election irregularities in Ethiopia while the last two American presidential elections have raised more than a few eyebrows. Congress also relied heavily on the reports and testimony of just a small group of people in preparing its findings, and in Ethiopia there is some doubt as to the interests of the parties involved in the investigations. The opinion of many of the professors in Mekelle is that the bill is now moot because the human rights issues enumerated have already been successfully resolved. Annoyed, and feeling that Ethiopians are already doing all they can, some ask what more America wants from them and why it hasn’t recognized any of the advances made so far. I was beginning to be won over by this particular argument until I sat down to read and grade the mid-term essays of the students in my International Human Rights Law classes. Because all of the instructors at Ethiopian universities are made to sign a contract that we will never say anything against the government or ruling party, I had been very careful in wording my assignment. I asked the students to select a human rights issue in Ethiopia (making sure not to imply that there are any actual problems, just issues) and find another country dealing with that same situation. They were required to then compare the actions of the two nations, discussing them in light of various international human rights instruments which have been covered in class. Then, they were to propose some potential methods they might use to deal with this “issue” they selected. Thinking that this was a sufficiently non-inflammatory prompt, I assumed I would get some rather dry responses, especially given the comments from the H.R. 2003 discussion forum, which all seemed to assert that Ethiopia is doing just fine on the human rights front. I was absolutely shocked, then, when I started reading my students’ work. Out of the hundred third-year students I teach, probably forty of them had inserted a special section, right after the cover page, warning me of what might happen to them were their paper to leave my hands. A number of students wrote that they would never give their real opinions to an Ethiopian professor because they fear being turned in to the government and punished. Others begged me to take their work back to America with me so that people would know what was going on. Of those who wrote such notes, almost all said that I would probably be surprised to find that many of the students had been afraid to express their true feelings at the H.R. 2003 discussion forum because you never know who is listening.After my initial shock, I began to wonder if the students weren’t just making exaggerated claims in hopes of getting better grades. I kept trying to figure out whether they were writing these warnings because they were genuine or because they wanted to make me think that they were really putting themselves on the line for this assignment. As I read the papers which had been submitted without the notes about fears, however, I got the sense that the students were just writing in as safe a fashion as possible. They put in long recitations of facts and laws and strove to make the “issue” seem as insignificant as possible within the larger context of Ethiopian government. They were holding back. Their work lacked the color, honesty, and intensity of the writing of the students who had asked me not to show their papers to anyone. To be fair, I can understand how the students might be afraid to speak their minds, because there have been a number of student protests which have been put down with violence recently, some journalists have been imprisoned, and much of the media is censored. At dinner, some university graduates from Addis Ababa mentioned that they had been without food for weeks at a time on campus but were forbidden by the administrators to ever voice a complaint. My friend tried to learn more about the conditions, but the Ethiopians had quickly changed the subject, telling her that they should not be overheard discussing such things. I even know some expatriate workers here who are hesitant to say anything negative about the country in their e-mails to friends and family at home, because they know that everything goes through a central server and could be read, with possible negative repercussions.I should mention that teaching this human rights class can be a very touchy thing, even though the subject appears to be strongly supported by the university, which is of course overseen by the Ministry of Education in Addis Ababa. While such a subject would be almost a luxury elective or niche seminar in America, it is a part of the Ethiopian core curriculum and the administrators consider it one of the most important topics today, even having established a Human Rights Centre for community advocacy and informative purposes. However, I have heard very little public criticism of the actions taken by the government, even though most people would like the human rights situation to improve. It turns out that ethnic loyalties — not the alleged satisfaction with the progress being made — have a great deal to do with the reluctance to agree with the policies behind H.R. 2003. The political boundaries of Ethiopia are drawn based on ethnic groupings, with each region having its own unique language and culture. I live in the northern region of Tigrai, which is well-known as the homeland of almost all of today’s Ethiopian leaders, including Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who is portrayed in H.R. 2003 as a human rights abuser. After the Derg military regime was defeated, the new government was formed largely by the political party which grew out of the Tigraian People’s Liberation Front, whose enormous office is about three-hundred yards away from the campus of the law faculty. Other groups do not get anything close to the level of governmental representation enjoyed by the citizens of Tigrai, even though it is one of the smallest regions.People from other regions are much more free with their criticism of the government. I have seen several couples get into screaming fights because the spouse from Tigrai refuses to criticize the government while the spouse from elsewhere rants about corruption, censorship, the military, Eritrean secession, and so on. On a recent trip to the Amhara region, some young men asked me and my friends about our travels in Ethiopia. They were extremely friendly to us until we said that we were not really backpackers, but that we live in Mekelle, at which point one of the men spat on our vehicle and all but one walked off in disgust, yelling that they hate people from Tigrai. Our group was made up entirely of white people and this conversation was being held in English. It goes without saying that we could not possibly be from Tigrai, but so great was their hatred of the Tigraian politicians that the mere fact that we live in Mekelle was enough to taint us. One calmer man stayed to speak to us and told us that in order to be safe and have a better time when we travel, we should tell people, “The Ethiopian government made me work in Mekelle. Of course I never wanted to live in Tigrai.” When discussing foreign travel, I often hear Americans advising each other to say they are Canadian in order to avoid politically-motivated troubles. In the minds of a good portion of the world’s people, the U.S. plays the role of the cruel, wasteful and capricious overlord. At the same time, many people look to America when they want things to change. This lose-lose scenario perfectly sums up the problem of H.R. 2003, and a prime illustration occurred at the discussion forum. An irate audience member told me that America has no right to change everything unilaterally and it should have worked for a General Assembly Resolution on Ethiopia instead of making a domestic law. I responded that there is often the perception that the international system provides a high level of legitimacy but a low level of action, such as that taken towards Burma, whose human rights abuses resulted in a toothless Resolution and no real change for its people. The individual then rebutted by recommending — in all seriousness — that the U.S. has the responsibility to revolutionize the UN and install a new system. You just can not have it both ways, wanting America to stay out of the affairs of other nations but still expecting it to come riding in on a white horse to save the day. Listening to the Ethiopians talk about the bill’s various points during the discussion forum, I felt as if I were under attack, but did begin to wonder if America hadn’t done something foolish and egotistical by asserting its right to determine the domestic affairs of a foreign nation. After reading my students’ work and speaking with people from outside Tigrai, however, I have to think that the spirit of H.R. 2003 is correct. I can admire the desire to help the people in another country and break with our tradition of cooperating with governments which harm their people when it suits American needs. I do see, however, that the factual findings section should have been redrafted because it is out-of-date, and if it is used as the justification for the actions taken in the rest of the bill, then the actions are without sufficient foundation and seem pointless. In recent years, foreign policy decisions have made America less and less popular around the world, but I think Americans are frustrated because we want to be recognized for our good works and intentions. I used to get angry and wonder why our leaders do not seem to understand that what they are doing with foreign affairs is not only hurting our reputation, but is putting the U.S. in danger by providing more already-furious people with ever-better reasons to attack us. It is quite sad when someone cannot leave the U.S. and express pride at being American for fear of retaliation by those who can not separate the national policies from the individual citizens. From this experience, however, I can better understand why sometimes actions must be taken which will earn us even more hatred. If those who craft our laws and policies ran international affairs like a popularity contest, then America might be more beloved by foreign nations, but it might also be committing terrible injustices against millions of people whose own leaders care little for their safety or happiness. Thus, although at the discussion forum I felt like Bernardus Fourie in that old photograph, a lone representative forced into the position of defending a nation whose actions are indefensible, I now have a different outlook. Instead of being ashamed that our country is disliked for taking unpopular measures, perhaps as Americans we can find pride in that self-same fact, exactly because we do that which we feel must be done to improve lives, despite what others may think of us.Abigail Salisbury currently teaches at the the Mekelle University Law Faculty in Mek'ele, Ethiopia. She is a 2007 graduate of the University of Pittsburgh School of Law.
There are always many version of one story. There are also many angles that can be taken when analyzing and discussing a topic.
Professor Abigail Salisbury has hit one good angle and version of the story. That is good! But I advise her to also look more into the other side of the story and see if it also holds water. Listening to the ones that like to act as victims, while totally ignoring the accused does not reveal the truth of the situation.For example, one reason, I myself, as an Ethiopian, am very suspicious about HR2003, is that it is being sponsored and bankrolled by the Eritrean gov't. There are many evidences of this too long to elaborate on this comment. But one can look at the official Eritrean gov't website to see how the sponsor of this Bill, Congressman Donald Payne, is viewed by the Eritrean gov't: a champion of democracy and Human right issues. Donald Payne feels the same way about Eritrea. He is even on record saying that Ethiopia should be considered to be put on the list of nations that sponsor terrorism; while in actuality, Eritrea is being considered for that list by the US gov't.HR2003 boats about human rights. Eritrea is one the worst human rights abusers in the world. It does not have a constitution, nor has held any elections or has done anything remotely close to democracy as Ethiopia has done. Yet, HR2003 is being sponsored and advocated by Eritrea via Congressman Donald Payne.How hypocritical!Professor Abigail Salisbury, if you truly want to get behind the real issues that give momentum to HR2003, please look into the hand of Eritrea in this.This is just one angle of looking at HR2003 from an individual Ethiopian perspective.There are many more, but enough for now.Thank you.Tadios.
January 16, 2008
Dear Abigail Salisbury
Thank you for the interesting article. I was born in Mekelle and now live in U.S.A. All what you said is correct; I mean the human right violation is brutal and it is done not in front of anyone, but behind the scene. TPLF has been doing this for the people of Tigray for over 33 years and the rest of Ethiopians for 17 years. The reservation of most Tigreans is out of fear not because they support TPLF. Tigrean opposing TPLF is punishable by life in prison not only to the individual who is opposing, but to his immediate families too.
I wish I can prove this by freeing the people from the yoke of TPLF and ask them what they think about TPLF and its leaders. I am hopeful that one day the people of Ethiopia in general and the Tigray people in particular will be free from this and any dictatorship. Your article is an additional proves that this government is just paying a lip service to human right, justice, rule of law and decency. I support HR2003 because that will apply to any government not only to TPLF. Thus, this bill can be a cornerstone to build democracy in Ethiopia. I agree with you that there is nothing to do with sovereignty at all.
Tigrean living in USA
January 16, 2008
You have truly understood the views of the majority of Ethiopians on HR2003.
Thank you!zana
January 16, 2008
Dear Professor Abigail Salisbury thank you for your information. I live in USA and orginaly I am from Ethiopia. I am working closley from day 1 on this bill. I am glad your surprised was answer by your students assignemnt. That is why we need the bill. I want you to know that when you hear anything from those politician or higher official don't trust them because they don't tell you the truth. They are getting used of lie and false statment. H.R. 2003 is important and I am confident this bill will pass and will be a law very soon.
January 16, 2008
I dont agree with the suggestion, ethiopians think they are entitled to US money. Ethiopians are not beggers, We are proud People. Let me see if you can pass a bill like HR2003 for Saudi Arabia, for Iran and see the result. Just keep your money ,and let us keep our dignity with our poverty. ...Man can not live with bread only....
January 16, 2008
Thank you professor,
You are understanding the true nature of Ethiopian and above all African people problem.keep on searching and exposing the truth.We ethiopians had tried to demonstrate,write letter,sign petition or other peaceful meanses available but,can not be heard by the US administration.You should know the puppets of the Ethiopian government are blinded by their ethnic ego or self-interest.professor, if someone believes in democracy how on earth can he oppose human rights Bill?At least he is expected to add or oppose some points.As for TPLF members HR2003 is against their pocket and they can make no compromise. Cambridge, USA
January 16, 2008
To Tadios and alike,
We have to examine the bill itself not who sponsor the bill. Donald Payne has a right to visit any country, including Eritrea and that doesn't mean anything at all.I know Shaebia is against Ethiopia, so is TPLF. There is dictatorship on both countries. We don't have to wait to democratize Ethiopia until Eritrea does. It is shame, why anyone have to compare with a tiny country that is seceded with the blessing of TPLF.TPLF was sleeping in the same bed with Shaebia for over 24 years. Why we are condemning anyone who visits Eritrea now?The Ethiopian people want democracy, rule of law, equality, and equal distribution of power. Because I am a Tigrean it is immoral to support unequal distribution of power, which is injustice. As the Amharic saying goes “LeRas Sikorsu AyasaNsu”. This kind of mentality should seize.Kiros (Tigran living in US)
January 16, 2008
A wonderful analysis from a jurist's point of view. The person who commented earlier that the Eritrean regime is the sponsor of the bill does not know what he is talking about. American legistlators are not that stupid to be told what to do by a foreign regime. He may have had a case had he said the Ethiopian Diaspora is reponsible. That may have been closer to the truth since politics in the US is mainly politics of constituents. Besides, the regime in Eritrea is no better than the minority regime in Ethiopia.
Good job.
January 16, 2008
Professor Abigail Salisbury you have made one of the best defenses for HR2003. Thank You Professor. I am very glad that the law students at Mekele University have someone like you to guide them.
The US has every right to dictate its policy where it dispenses the US tax payer's money. There is not a single statement in HR2003 that undermines the independence of Ethiopia. What do Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopians want? The answer is obvious. Democracy, Rule of Law and respect of human rights. Any one who debates the points your article states should first answer if HR2003 defends and promotes Democracy, Rule of Law and respect of human rights or not.The minority dictatorial government in Ethiopia has made a weak defense against HR2003 by trying to appeal to the national sentiment of Ethiopians, thus equating the bill to the effect of a historical treaty between Ethiopia and Italy. This was a desperateattempt for any one to see since the treaty (Treaty of Wouchalle) was about making Ethiopia a colony of Italy. There is no statement in HR2003 that indicates that the US desires to run the affairs of Ethiopia. Now from the comments of Tadios on your article I saw that he suspects the Eritrean government is behind HR2003. This again is another desperate attempt to defend the indefensible-the actions of the minority dictatorial government that resulted in the passing of HR2003 in the US congress in the first place.Congressman Donald Payne is a free man to travel any where his mission takes him. Concluding that the Eritrean government is behind HR2003 and present the visit of Mr. Payne as evidence is certainly a characteristics of the government supporters argument. I hope that did not come from a young law student in Mekelle. The future if of Ethiopia is in the hands of the young students that confided their fear to you. Thanks again. I am very happy to read your article. My best wishes to you in your stay in Ethiopia.
January 16, 2008
Abigail,
Don't you find it interesting that those who support your argument are Eritrean supporters of the ruthless regime in Asmara? They use different nick names but I can tell you HR2003 supporters are Eritreans and a few power hungry Ethiopians. If HR 2003 was about human rights, what was Donald Payne, sponsor of the bill, doing in Eritrea praising the most repressive regime in Africa?HR2003 is sponsored by Ethiopia's enemies to dismantle the country.
January 16, 2008
Abigail,
Just from your encounters with individuals you can tell how reserved people are. If HR2003 was not necessary those people who were afraid to talk to you would not have been afraid. It is clear that there is a dictatorship in Ethiopia just from what you observed isn't it
January 16, 2008
Dear Prof. Salisbury,
I read your commentary with interest. Initially I had thought you were fooled by the Mekele professors who can be expected to mouth whatever would please the ears of the dictators, but as I continued to read I was impressed by your intellignet way you went about to find the truth. This is a government that has banned most independent media, muzzles the opposition, steals elections, controls the entire military-political establishment of the poor country. Why does it object to HR2003, a bill that promotes only human rights and the rule of law? By the way, this bill is not the first in dealing with human rights abuses in Africa. There is a European Union Cotonu agreement that bars economic assistance to African dictators who abuse the human rights of their citizens. In fact many European countries suspended economic aid to the Ethiopian regime after it stole the 2005 election and massacurred over 190 peaceful protesters.
January 16, 2008
As an ethiopian living in the states I admire your efforts. You have validated the Diaspora's concerns, and hence the need for HR2003. Professor your article was very insightful. Your travels in Ethiopia have revealed to you the true nature of this governmanet and how they sow the seeds of hate. By segregating the people of Tigrai they are creating an apartheid kind of government which is doomed to fail one day.
Again thanks and we need people like you to vett the truth.
January 16, 2008
As an American who has lived for 30 years outside the US (including more than 2 years in Ethiopia), I am very familiar with the dilemmas that arise in "representing" (or disagreeing with) US policy actions overseas. Professor Salisbury's thoughts on her own situation are admirably thoughtful, intelligent, and caring. Thank you for making this available.
January 16, 2008
Ms. Salisbury,
You've superbly tied together the following points:1. There is lack of freedom of speech and a climate of fear in Ethiopia.2. The ruling party is despised in many parts of Ethiopia.3. There is the perception that the ruling party disproportionately represents the Tigray ethnic group, and that this perception has unfortunately resulted in strong resentment towards Tigrayans.4. There is, alas, a feeling of foreign aid entitlement now in Ethiopia. This unfortunate psyche, damaging to development, is possibly a result of decades of poor governance and alienation of the populace from their government.5. Ethiopians, like many citizens of the Third World, have a paradoxical and conspiratorial perception of U.S. foreign policy.6. The principle that it is unethical for donors to provide aid untied to good governance, since such aid reduces a government's accountability to its people, thus stifling democracy.I envy your students, so I certainly hope that this article does not compromise your situation.
January 17, 2008
Dear Prof. Salisbury,
I read your very insightful aricle about the issue of human rights in Ethiopia.The Mekelle University students who inserted 'supplementary notes' about political repression in their term papers are those honest and brave souls who would like to expose the covered-up government brutality in Ethiopia. If one paper of any one of the students falls into the hand of the government, there is no doubt the life of the student ends right there. That is why all of them cautioned you seriously.What is quite different is the case of the Faculty members who were speaking vehemently against HR 2003. In a way, what the Faculty members were doing at the panel is - by way of denouncing the Human Rights Bill - testifying their loyalty to the government in power. The more they swear against HR 2003, the more they make their job secure. That is sad.I'm glad you finally unlocked the secret of all the buzz around HR 2003 by refering to reverse psychology: when someone speaks about a fledgling democracy in Ethiopia, the translation is how fear is pervasive, ethnic hate is gaining ground, and tyranny entrenched.
January 17, 2008
Thank you for giving-up your time, money and comfort to help a needy county not so much for food and other essentials to live but for "FREEDOM". You are a brave person to look beyond the surface and expose the truth and feeling of so many oppressed people.
I could only imagine what kinds of term paper you would have read if there was no oppression of the mind. What is worst than fear? But it is however a sad reality that the Ethiopian people never managed to stump it out nor enjoyed the type of intellectual freedom that rest of the western countries are experiencing. Who knows when but I am certain that your contribution to help a needy county and it's oppressed people one day will bring the desired result, "Freedom".
