Sunday, May 8, 2011

‘Spiral of cynicism’

By Anko Zuta, De Birhan Blogspot’s Blogger

08-05-2011

Beka movement is taking root. Ethiopians who have been cynical of politics following the disappointing outcomes of the 2005 election ,are once again returning to politics mainly driven by the immensely relegating economic situation, unemployment, and lack of freedom.

However, broadly speaking there is still a huge lack of political participation by the Ethiopian citizenry.

Why?

There could be various raison d’être, justifications and bla blas to be forwarded for this from social, historical, theoretical, standard and political paradigms . In here, I stagnate to focus on of the reasons I suppose have been playing a role; media/journalists.

‘Spiral of cynicism’

The spiral of cynicism hypothesis states that news media report largely strategically about politics, which fuels public distrust in and cynicism about politics and politicians causes a ‘spiral of cynicism’ distancing the masses from political participation . This cynicism erodes civic engagement and depresses electoral participation (Cappella and Jamieson, 1997). Strategic news reporting is conceptualized as news that focuses on winning and losing, is driven by ‘war and games’ language, emphasizes ‘performers, critics and audiences’.

The Ethiopian mass media both private and public have been engaged in reporting on a ‘game of politics’ than real and analytical reporting of news elections, political leaders, the national election board and other stakeholders. I fall victim to this too. Recent News of theEthiopian Reporter that stated the ruling party, EPRDF, was going to distribute around one million Ethiopian birr to five opposition parties and that the five parties have disagreed on the allotment and distribution of the money is one clear indication of that. Even if the Newspaper reported the issue as a matter of newsworthiness, factually it transpires to be strategic news as was defined by the Spiral of Cynicism theory in Joseph N. Cappella and Kathleen Hall Jamieson's 1997 book, Spiral of cynicism: the press and the public good. Denis McQuail (2010) who I call , the father of mass communication defines spiral of cynicism as “a hypothetical process, similar to the spiral of silence, whereby persistently negative media coverage of a political campaign and politicians, especially where this emphasizes insincerity, corruption, dirty tricks, personal ambition and ignores substance and honest intention, is thought to create a climate in which trust and the wish to participate in the democratic processes is diminished…”.

These successive ‘negative’ reports of both local and Diaspora media on the financial investments of Engineer Hailu Shawel of AEUP, government media’s pervasive and persistent negative and criminalizing reports on major leaders of opposition parties i.e. Bertukan Mideksa, Dr.Berhanu Nega, Andargchew Tsige, and other leaders of OLF and ONLF with more or less equal intentions of the above definition, have all hiked the Spiral of cynicism of Ethiopians. I can give many cases and examples on this.

I assume that the continuously negative, degrading and strategically subjective and framed reports and news by the mass media have helped in decreasing the active political participation of the Ethiopian youth furthering the existing mistrust in the leadership and returning the haunting horrors of the Derg era. A very wise trajectory in this regard to follow is promote reporting that is ‘substance’ focused than ‘games’ and ‘missions’ and evolve a positive reporting style for/on most of the pro-democracy party leaders who have been belittled by the ‘black’ propagandistic works of the ruling party’s spin doctor, Bereket Simon.

Let all Ethiopian media work towards changing the political ‘Spiral of cynicism’!!!

Saturday, May 7, 2011

Press Release – Ethiopian Youth Movement - call for a Revo.

Democracy, Freedom, Liberty and Unity Shall Prevail in Ethiopia!

07-05-2011

Press Release - Ethiopian Youth MovementThe Ethiopian youth is once again determined to make history. We have unanimously decided to conduct tactical campaign strategy and remove the despotic regime that has been in power for more than 20 years through brute force and fraudulent elections. In 1974 the popular revolution that overthrew the age old imperial regime was led by the youth. It was the result of the sustained struggle of the Ethiopian student movement that culminated in a popular revolution. After the 1974 revolution, the Ethiopian youth vehemently fought the military regime, and paid dearly. The sacrifice required retreat and change of strategy. In 1991, the youth managed to remove the military dictatorship. Unfortunately like the 1974 revolution, the 1991 revolution was hijacked by poor leaders and blood thirsty Marxist dictators that used ethnic differences as a card to impose an apartheid type minority rule. Today the Ethiopian youth faces severe hardship, has little sense of national cohesion, and is living with grim future. It is facing high unemployment, mass migration, bad education, eviction from its ancestral land to give way to land to foreigners and lost its God given liberty.

On the positive side, there is hope. We are fully aware that our destiny is in our hands. We are also inspired by our peers in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen and elsewhere. There is no reason why we cannot have the Arab uprising in Ethiopia. We can have an Ethiopian Spring that addresses the root causes of bad governance. Therefore, we have resolved to bring the torch to Ethiopia, and liberate the country from the minority dictatorship that has been in power for more than 20 years.

To this effect, the youth wings of major political organizations have agreed to work for peaceful change, with the main objective of creating a platform in bringing the Ethiopian youth together, to network and build solidarity, brainstorm ideas, strategize long term and short term plans to shape the political, social and economic future of Ethiopia. We want to contribute to peace and development not only in Ethiopia but in the Horn of Africa. We want to resolve the Nile River issue with a win win situation for all countries. Our aim is to promote democracy and end minority rule through peaceful resistance. It is to promote equality, justice, unity and mutual respect among all Ethiopians. The Ethiopian Youth Movement is an independent network with structures in most parts of Ethiopia, and in the Diaspora. It has been operating for sometime. It is an action oriented movement that does not aspire to hold a political office. Our movement rejects all forms of extremism.

In the short term, the struggle will focus on removing the dictatorship through peaceful resistance. The struggle period can be short or a protracted one. It aims to minimize the level of sacrifice. Our struggle is not against the ordinary TPLF members or the Ethiopian Defense Forces. It is against the TPLF cabal, the violators of human rights and corrupt officials. We have an excellent relationship with the global youth movement. Our short term aim is to help the formation of a Transitional Government that prepares the country for an unfettered free and fair election.

The Transitional Government, in addition to preparing the country for a free and fair election, shall maintain law and order, and defend the unity and territorial integrity of the country during the transition period. It shall have no hidden agenda. The Ethiopian Youth Movement therefore fully supports the recently issued press statement of the National Oromian Youth Movement, and calls upon the removal of Meles Zenawi from power. We support the suspension of the constitution and the abolition of the rubber stamp parliament of TPLF.

No amount of suppression and propaganda shall confuse the Ethiopian youth from its target. We are very happy to announce that the peaceful resistance for change will start on May 28, 2011. We call upon Ethiopian students, farmers, workers, civil servants, businessmen and women, professionals, political organizations, civic organizations, religious leaders, and men and women in the uniform to join the youth movement to remove the dictatorship. We also call upon all armed and clandestine opposition forces to declare cease fire and support the peaceful struggle.

The struggle for democracy and unity shall continue!

Ethiopian Youth Movement

E-mail: ethiorevolution@gmail.com

Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=107472902664461

Friday, May 6, 2011

Global Integrity Report 2010: Ethiopia

6-05-2011

Speed and Corruption, a Fatal Mix

By Andualem Sisay*

October 8, 2010, was an unlucky day for Haile Getachew, 27. He was driving and carrying a forged driver’s license when he was pulled over by a traffic official. Drivers like Getachew frequently offer bribes to officials to avoid time in court or traffic offices, and traffic officials frequently accept them.

But the officer that pulled Getachew over happened to be new to the force and, contrary to expectation, was unwilling to take a bribe. Getachew and his car ended up at the police department for days.

For the past five years, Getachew had been driving around Addis Ababa using his forged driver’s license with no problems – even when he violated traffic rules. It is common knowledge that most traffic officers will take bribes, ranging from 20 to 100 birr (US$1.20 to US$6).

Acquiring these bogus credentials is easy enough. Getachew sent photographs and 500 birr (US$30) to a friend who lives in Gimma City and, in exchange, received a forged license with a city transport authority seal.

After his arrest, Getachew appeared in court and was released for 600 birr (US$36). “I also had to pay 500 birr (US$30) under the table to a detective participating in my case,” he said. In addition, his brother made another payment so the detective would change information in Getachew’s documents so the court would expedite the bail agreement.

Endemic Corruption

Unfortunately, corruption in Ethiopia is not limited to its roads and traffic authorities. Over time, it has become increasingly prevalent in most public institutions.

According to “Fighting Corruption and Safeguarding Integrity,” a paper published in 2007 by Tesfaye Shamebo Megiso, many government institutions in Ethiopia are vulnerable to serious levels of systemic corruption.

This includes allocation of land and government housing, telephone and electric services, access to loans, licensing and issuance of permits, procurement of consumables, and fixed assets provided by public services in Ethiopia. Tesfaye said customs and excise-tax offices also are believed to be highly affected by ingrained corrupt practices.

In 2008, the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index ranked Ethiopia at No. 126 out of 179 countries, reporting: “Despite legal restrictions, officials have been accused of manipulating the privatization process, and state-owned and party-owned businesses receive preferential access to land leases and credit.”

The facts are clear: Ethiopia has a corruption problem that covers many bases. And while just one aspect of a greater issue, the fraud and vice within the Ethiopian motor vehicle regulation system provides a descriptive example of how unorganized administration, lax oversight and corrupt bureaucrats can create a problem that results in thousands of accidents and hundreds of deaths a year.

Ethiopian Traffic: Unsafe at Any Speed

From 2004 to 2008, about 85,000 traffic accidents were recorded in Ethiopia. Over 2,800 people died and 8,696 suffered permanent injuries. Since 2009, over 2,000 people were killed and 8,000 injured each year in over 15,000 car crashes.

Even though police statistics show that the fatality rate has declined in recent years, driver behavior is worsening. A Federal Police Commission (FPC) study based on a five-year average (2003 to 2007) reveals that of all fatal accidents, 76 percent were caused by driver errors, which many associate with the issuing of forged driver’s licenses and valid licenses issued to unprepared drivers.

The Ethiopian Roads Authority (Ye-Ethiopia Menged Transport Balesiltan) is ranked one of the most corrupt public institutions in the country, due to impropriety in the issuance of driver’s licenses and annual vehicle inspections, according to FEACC reports. The Federal Transport Authority (FTA) also has been exposed for employing extensive corrupt operating procedures.

The directorate’s office estimates that of the approximately two million driver’s licenses issued in Ethiopia, about 4,000 are forgeries.

The Department of Vehicles and Drivers’ Affairs also is under scrutiny. In charge of licensing, inspection and maintenance, it is known that in this department drivers can pass the exam and get their licenses in a shortened period by paying the examiner a bribe from 200 up to 500 birr (US$12 to US$30).

“It would be appropriate to rename the road transport authority by calling it ‘Government Theft Squad,’” reads one opinion found in a Roads Authority suggestion box.

In April 2003, the Federal Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (FEACC--Tsere Musina) presented a detailed report that highlighted problems and issued recommendations.

According to the report, “the activities of the Department of Vehicles and Drivers Affairs is greatly exposed to corruption ranging from petty levels, which, in aggregate, lead to endangering human life and property damage to systemic faults.”

The commission noted that most of the Federal Transport Authority’s procedures can easily lead to corrupt practices. For example, Ethiopia lacks a national regulatory mechanism.

“If actions being taken by the authority are not enforced equally in all regions of the country, the system is subject to bias and malpractice,” according to the report.

Very old vehicles, common on the streets of Ethiopia, also are known for causing damage to both human beings and property. If appropriately tested, most of these cars would not pass vehicle inspection without a bribe.

Cameras and Reforms

One reform that has helped reduce fatalities is the government’s introduction of required third-party insurance. The law forces all vehicles to be insured, and any accident victim has the right to a maximum of 1,000 birr (US$60) for free medical treatment.

Authorities also have made reforms by introducing BPR (Business Process Re-engineering), a tool feared by most civil servants in the country, which utilizes a computerized driver testing system for theory exams and cameras for practical exams.

The Transport Authority is decentralizing and outsourcing theoretical and practical driver training to 34 institutions, and vehicle inspection and maintenance also is being outsourced. Twelve private firms have taken on vehicle inspection, and vehicle maintenance has been parceled out to another 400 companies.

Unfortunately, many of these measures haven’t had the corruption-busting effect the authorities desired. In regards to the outsourcing of vehicle inspection and maintenance, the corruption was shifted from the government to private businesses and may have worsened traffic accident rates, according to the FEACC’s second report on the transit authority’s operation issued in January 2009.

The report indicated that some of the private drivers’ training institutions are not adequately equipped in terms of professional staff and facilities. Many private firms lacked all the necessary equipment to inspect and maintain vehicles. Also, some private companies assigned to perform annual vehicle inspections issued certificates without ever viewing the vehicles.

In response, Zerihun Alemayehu, ethics and anti-corruption investigation expert at the FTA, said: “After we compiled the second report in collaboration with FEACC, we ‘re-outsourced’ the training to institutions, which have enhanced capacity with better qualified professionals and equipment.”

Continuing Acts of Corruption

The second FEACC report noted that former Transport Authority employees who had been fired because of malpractice still engage in cheating clients or lead current employees into corruption.

For example, former employees are known to solicit potential clients who want to avoid the bureaucracy and inconvenience of acquiring a driver’s license through official means. Working with a current transit authority employee, these “license brokers” help the clients get a fake license. The former and current Transport Authority employees then share the proceeds from the transaction.

The lack of a networked tracking system among regional transport authority offices makes it easier to use forged driver’s licenses. Without the network, even if traffic police are suspicious about licenses, the transport authority cannot verify their authenticity.

“It requires the active involvement of all citizens in terms of fighting corruption and refraining from using forged driving licenses, said Alemayehu.

But drivers, a very active part in this corrupt scenario, seem to be very comfortable with the current state of affairs. While death and property damage have declined, especially in Addis Ababa, the FPC report linked the drop to pedestrian behavior changes and improvements in vehicle inspection--not driver behavior.

“We need to do a lot in terms of changing driver behavior,” says Abebe Asrat, head of the National Road Safety Office.

Argentina, Ethiopia and Peru all saw increases in their scores since the last assessments. Between 2007 and 2010, Peru’s score rose to 81 from 69 and, between 2008 and 2010, Argentina’s score rose to 87 from 70.

Ethiopia’s was at 70, up from 56, despite it being one of the lowest performing countries when it came to internet censorship.

Get Details on Ethiopia's scorecard and reports here :

http://www.globalintegrity.org/report/Ethiopia/2010

* Andualem Sisay is an Ethiopian journalist and blogger with several years of experience at local newspapers. He is co-founder and managing editor of the Addis Ababa-based online newspaper www.newbusinessethiopia.com and launched the free citizen journalism training website www.nbeinstitute.org, which currently gives basic theoretical and practical journalism training for Ethiopians interested in reporting on their communities.

Tuesday, May 3, 2011

Intriguing!!!


A letter he wrote to the Protestant church
* This Blogger managed to get documents revealing the corrupt practices of Abune Pauols's clique i.e. Senior Priest Getachew Doni and Justice Ministry

* Diocese plan protest

Like Kahinat Getachew Doni


By Anko Zuta, Blogger of De Birhan Blogspot

03/04/2011

Since m the defunct Addis Neger Newspaper (now online) started reporting the scandals and the corruption within the apparatus of control of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church which is headed by Abune Paulos, some two years ago, a particular name has become synonymous with the crisis. The name of the priest is Senior Priest Getachew Doni. Senior Priest Getachew, who has been the main Administrator of Akaki Saint Mary and St. Michael Church and claims himself, the ‘official/legal representative of the General Secretariat of the Patriarchate’ has now once again become the centre of the controversy. The hullabaloo was heightened when this Priest was appointed as the Head of the diocese of Sidama,Gedio,Amaro and Burji Zones and special districts, last month by the Patriarch. The Priest was chosen by the Patriarch as an ideal candidate to 'restore peace and resolve the conflict' that has been raging the Church administration and faithfuls in Awasa and the vicinities.The news of his appointment was received with deep anger and resentment of the faithful of the region making the hope for the return serenity afar.

“I know the priest very well and I have been following all the negative stories about him. It is really an underestimation to appoint us such a Priest of ‘devilish’ track records to administer our churches.” Said a University professor in the region opting to remain anonymous.

Another source also added that the faithful of the region are preparing to oppose to stage a peaceful protest opposing the appointment.

What made the Priest ‘controversial’?

  • · According to the primary documents (c.f. attached) this Blogger received from close sources and secondary reports the major opposition to the Priest begins in his ‘dubious’ involvement within the workings of Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahdo Church Holy Synod and his questionable affiliation with the Patriarch of the Church.
  • · As the documents attached here also reveal the Priest was behind the erection of the ‘infamous’ statue of the Patriarch and corruption.
  • · His attempts of ‘reforming the Church’ and forming his own Religious Association that acted as a ‘spiritual direction and healing association’ and a Non Governmental Organisation (NGO) at the same time.
  • · The illegal and ‘above the law’ decisions and corrupt measures of the Ministry of Justice, the Patriarch of the EOTC and local governments in support of the Priest’s actions.
  • · His open letter written to the Protestant Church beseeching aid of hundreds of Bibles.
  • · The documents also reveal highly intriguing secrets deals, plans and protest letters from fellow priests and the congregate.

The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, one of the oldest churches in the world is estimated to have a membership of between 40 and 45 million, according to various records. Since the coming to power of the current Regime, TPLF/EPRDF, the Church has been engulfed in controversies and conflicts mainly in relation to ‘regime appointed’ Patriarch, Abune Pauols.

“…the reality on the ground indicates that the Ethiopian Orthodox Church has been more or an instrument of abuse by Meles Zenawi and his henchmen. This is to say the support the patriarch has been getting from the government is conditional and is provided as long as the government is happy with the services it is getting from the Church. The Patriarch cannot be independent of the government's policies. Some degree of Independence might be present in democratic government, but not in autocratic regimes, as is the case in today's Ethiopia’’ the The Axum Post blogged in 2010. These political affiliations made the government to shy from taking measures on many of the injustices committed by the Patriarch and his circle. The state has been so closely linked to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC) as to United States Institute of Peace 2007 Report.

Corruption, power abuse and crime by the Patriarch and few aides around him such as Priest Getachew, positioned the Church at a critical crossroad.

Here are the 19 documents attached :Click on each to enlarge.All are in Amharic .As the order is mixed up , the reader needs to reorder it and read.





19


18


17

16


15


14


13


12


11


10


9


8


7



6

5


4

3
2

Number 1 was a newspaper clip from Nega Deras Newspaper issue of Friday 9 July ,2002 (Eth. Cal.) detailing the identities of those behind the Patriarch's Statue.

Best regards for the whistle-blowers and keep up!!!


Ethiopia Freezes Nile Water Treaty in Sign of Thaw With Egypt

2-04-2011

Peter Heinlein | (VOA )

Addis Ababa - Ethiopia has agreed to postpone ratification of a treaty on sharing Nile River water until a new Egyptian government takes office to join the negotiations. The delay eases a long-running dispute between upstream countries at the source of the Nile and downstream countries that claim historic rights to the water. Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has told a visiting Egyptian delegation he will freeze consideration of a treaty that would reverse colonial-era agreements giving Egypt and Sudan rights to 90 percent of the Nile’s water. Six upper riparian states have signed the deal, clearing the way for ratification. But downstream countries Egypt and Sudan have refused.

Ethiopia’s ambassador to Egypt Mohamoud Dirir Gheddi said the delay is a goodwill gesture to allow Egypt time to elect a new government following the popular uprising that ousted Hosni Mubarak. "Ethiopia, having seen the current situation in Egypt, where they need to establish their own government and go through a democratic process of election of their president, sees that it is sane and wise to wait for Egypt and give her time. So it is by way of freezing the ratification at parliament that process will be delayed until such time as Egypt comes up with its own popularly elected government," Dirir said. Members of the Egyptian delegation say they received a similar assurance from Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni during a visit to Kampala last month. Delegation leader Mustafa el Gindy said the 47-member group asked for a delay of up to a year.

"Six months or a year because we need to stabilize, we need to finalize our revolution. We got Mubarak, we got his ministry, but 30 years of Mubarak in Egypt, there is a lot of ‘Mubarak underground’ who want to kill this revolution. Then we need the time, the year is a maximum to get back strong enough, to sit all together," el Gindy said. The water-sharing dispute gained new urgency last month when Ethiopia announced it is building a huge 5,000-megawatt power project on the Nile, close to the Sudanese border. El Gindy said the announcement frightened many Egyptians, who were told for decades by the Mubarak government that Ethiopia was trying to steal their water. "I told the prime minister, 30 years of Mubarak made the Egyptians (think) they don’t trust you. They think you are the man who wants to kill them and cut the water on them," el Gindy said. Ethiopia’s ambassador Dirir Gheddi says the Mubarak government contributed to the unfriendly atmosphere by blocking international funding for an Ethiopian power project on the Nile. "There was a baggage of suspicion created by the former regime vis-a-vis Ethiopia that Ethiopia is a conspiring country against Egypt, and of course Egypt has conspired against Ethiopia in the past, persuading international donors like the IMF and World Bank not to fund projects in Ethiopia related to the Nile River," Dirir said.

Egyptian delegation leader el Gindy says that when all Nile riparian countries reach a deal on water sharing, institutions like the World Bank and IMF will be knocking on their door to fund power generation projects. News agencies say Egypt’s Prime Minister Essam Sharaf will visit Ethiopia later this month to follow up on the work of the public diplomacy delegation

Monday, May 2, 2011

CPJ Special Report

The 10 Tools of Online Oppressors

The world’s worst online oppressors are using an array of tactics, some reflecting astonishing levels of sophistication, others reminiscent of old-school techniques. From China’s high-level malware attacks to Syria’s brute-force imprisonments, this may be only the dawn of online oppression. A CPJ special report by Danny O’Brien.

A security line outside Google's Beijing office. (AP/Andy Wong)
A security line outside Google's Beijing office. (AP/Andy Wong)
Published May 2, 2011

SAN FRANCISCO
In reporting news from the world’s most troubled nations, journalists have made a seismic shift this year in their reliance on the Internet and other digital tools. Blogging, video sharing, text messaging, and live-streaming from cellphones brought images of popular unrest from the central square of Cairo and the main boulevard of Tunis to the rest of the world.Yet the technology used to report the news has been matched in many ways by the tools used to suppress information. Many of the oppressors’ tactics show an increasing sophistication, from the state-supported email in China designed to take over journalists’ personal computers, to the carefully timed cyber-attacks on news websites in Belarus. Still other tools in the oppressor’s kit are as old as the press itself, including imprisonment of online writers in Syria, and the use of violence against bloggers in Russia.

To mark World Press Freedom Day, May 3, the Committee to Protect Journalists is examining the 10 prevailing tactics of online oppression worldwide and the countries that have taken the lead in their use. What is most surprising about these Online Oppressors is not who they are—they are all nations with long records of repression—but how swiftly they adapted old strategies to the online world.

In two nations we cite, Egypt and Tunisia, the regimes have changed, but their successors have not categorically broken with past repressive practices. The tactics of other nations—such as Iran, which employs sophisticated tools to destroy anti-censorship technology, and Ethiopia, which exerts monopolistic control over the Internet—are being watched, and emulated, by repressive regimes worldwide.

INFRASTRUCTURE CONTROL

Key country: Ethiopia

Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi tightly controls online news media. (AP)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi tightly controls online news media. (AP)

Telecommunications systems in many countries are closely tied to the government, providing a powerful way to control new media. In Ethiopia, a state-owned telecommunications company has monopoly control over Internet access and fixed and mobile phone lines. Despite a management and rebranding deal with France Telecom in 2010, the government still owns and directs Ethio Telecom, allowing it to censor when and where it sees fit. OpenNet Initiative, a global academic project that monitors filtering and surveillance, says Ethiopia conducts “substantial” filtering of political news. This matches Ethiopia’s continuing crackdown on offline journalists, four of whom are imprisoned for their work, according to CPJ records. Ethiopian government control does not simply extend to phone lines and Internet access. The country has also invested in extensive satellite-jamming technology to prevent citizens from receiving news from foreign sources such as the Amharic-language services of the U.S. government-funded Voice of America and the German public broadcaster Deutsche Welle.
Tactics in practice:

The other nine tactics were :

web blocking in Iran, precision censorship in Belarus, denial of access in Cuba,attacks on exile-run sites in Burma,malware attacks in China,state cyber-crime in Tunisia ,internet kill switches in Egypt of Mubarak, detention of bloggers in Syria and violence against online journalists in Russia.

Sunday, May 1, 2011

Egyptian delegation in St.George Church


'St George Church, Kidus Giorgis, Addis Ababa,

Prayers made in Arabic in the Church

1/04/2011

By Anko Zuta,De Birhan Blogspot Staffer

Twenty third of every month is the saintly day of St. George in the Ethiopian Orthodox Christians calendar. And today (23/8/2003 ,Eth.Cal.) was the annual saintly celebration of St. George in Ethiopia. It was celebrated in the attendance of huge number of Addis Abeba residents in the Arada Saint George Church, Addis Abeba. The event was different from the celebration of the previous years, in that those who were in attendance were members of the popular Egyptian public diplomacy delegation that arrived in Addis Ababa, on Friday 29 April, 2011. The 48-member Egyptian delegation, Mahmoud Drir, Ethiopian Ambassador in Egypt and Abune Paulos, Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church were were the dignitaries in the Church. As part of the Day's celebration,prayers were made both in Amharic and Geez. Also ‘prayers and preachings' were made in Arabic , led by an Egyptian member of the delegation. Some members of the congregation expressed their confusion when they heard prayers in Arabic in an Orthodox Church. Some also said that they were unhappy in the manipulation of holy places for political purposes. A priest in St.George Church said ‘the joint program was organised between the Delegation and the Church in an attempt to show the age-old relationships and brotherliness of the two nations and that all issues would be solved in a peaceful manner and discussions’.

The Egyptian delegation includes three presidential candidates, a number of prominent political figures, including Osama Al Ghazaly Harb, the head of Al Gabha party, Alsayed Elbadawy the head of Al Wafd party, Hussein Ibrahim of the Muslim Brotherhood, Abdel Hakim Abdel Nasser the son of former president Gamal Abdel Nasser, journalists , and representatives from the January 25 Revolution Youth. The Egyptian Prime Minister, Essam Sharaf will arrive in Addis Abeba next week.

Security was tight near Saint George Church today when liturgy, mass and speeches were taking place.

Thursday, April 28, 2011

The TPLF Manifesto of February 1976 - The Republic of Greater Tigray (Audio)

Dear Readers,

The Tigrean People's Liberation Front's (TPLF) Manifesto of February 1976 - The Republic of Greater Tigray is being circulated in Ethiopia and abroad currently.The Document , supposedly hand written by the current Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in 19 75,contains jingoistic and ludacris goals and theoretical programs.

Here is the audio as read by Janamora of ECADF.

Wednesday, April 27, 2011

Soldier kills four , himself

By Anko Zuta , De Birhan Blogspot Staffer
27-04-2011

Unconfirmed reports from Addis Kidame town of Faggeta Lekoma District in the Amhara Region, Ethiopia state that an active member of the Ethiopian Defense Forces (EDF) blasted two grenades killing himself and four others .The incident killed another retired soldier and two children yesterday.
The source said that the illicit arms trade in the country and bad governance and management of logistics within the EDF is leading to growth of crime and illegality in the country.
Those who have been victimized were namely :

Metadele Getnet
Teguaded Getnet
Aberashe Ejigu
Eseynat Ejigu


The cause of the fatality has not been established so far.
Details to come...

A modern-day Pessah miracle

By NICOLE HYMAN , The Jerusalem Post
04/27/2011 11:52

The exodus of Jews from Ethiopia

Pessah is more than a time for forsaking bread and treasure hunting any and every possible crumb. It’s more than just seven days of munching on crisp, cracker-like matza and remembering what it must have been like to be liberated from slavery in Egypt.

Pessah is a perfect time to remember the exodus of Ethiopian Jews. And there’s no better way to enrich the Seder than with the story of this modern-day exodus.

The story of Ethiopian Jewry's arrival in the Promised Land makes us realize how fragile the freedom of the Jewish people is. It’s these memories and ideas which color the ways in which Ethiopian Jews celebrate Pessah today.


Like other Jews, Ethiopian Jews begin their Pessah preparations by cleaning their homes and getting rid of any hametz. What is unique to their Pessah preparations, however, is that they break all old dishes and purchase new ones for the holiday. This is because in Ethiopia it was difficult to make their dishes kosher, explains Rabbi Yosef Hadane, the chief rabbi of Ethiopian Jews in Israel.

During Pessah, Ethiopian Jews eat matza like Jews elsewhere. But unlike other Jews, in the Ethiopian community matza is baked daily and only enough to last for one day is made.

In addition to not eating grains and certain legumes, some more traditional Ethiopian Jews also avoid milk and live off matza, water and salads for the seven days of the holiday. This is to distinguish between the food ordinarily eaten on a daily basis and food eaten over Pessah.

Ethiopian Jews used to sacrifice a baby goat or sheep at the beginning of Pessah. The whole family would gather for the sacrifice, taste the meat and eat matza. The meat that was left over from the sacrifice was then burnt and buried.

This marked the beginning of Pessah, explains David Molla, an oleh from Ethiopia who is the manager of the Mevaseret Zion Absorption Center for Ethiopian olim.

Most Ethiopian Jews in Israel have since abandoned this practice, however.

“We miss this tradition very much,” says Molla, “but we understand that there is a need to fit in with life in Israel.”

Molla says he remembers celebrating Pessah in Ethiopia and that it was a very important holiday. It was a time when the entire family got together. If there were members of the family you hadn’t seen in months, you’d see them over Pessah, he says. He now celebrates the holiday like other Jews with a conventional Seder, Haggada and lots of family.

But not all Ethiopian Jews in Israel are fortunate enough to have their family members gather around their Seder tables. The contested Jewish identity of the Falash Mura, Ethiopians who converted to Christianity yet claim Jewish ancestry, means that there are Ethiopian families who have been separated.

Some members have made aliya, while others remain in Ethiopia. Getinet Chekol is one such Ethiopian Jew. He made aliya with his wife three months ago. Half his family is still in Ethiopia.

“I am free in Israel but I cry every day because my family is in Ethiopia,” he laments.

He hopes his family will come to Israel soon.

“I don't think aspects of traditional Jewish Ethiopian culture have been lost in adapting to life in Israel,” says Rabbi Hadane. “While there are differences in how the holidays are celebrated, the principle is the same.”

The story of the Ethiopian Jews’ exodus is a modern-day miracle, says Hadane.

“Operation Moses and Operation Solomon are unbelievable. It is very important for us and for everyone to understand that God did not forget His people even in a village in Africa. He freed them from exile, and brought us to Israel,” Hadane says.

Rabbi Menachem Waldman, an Ethiopian-Jewish history expert, has written a Haggada which documents the heroic escape of Ethiopian Jews out of Ethiopia.

This tells the story of how the Ethiopian Jewish community got their freedom. It includes accounts of their exodus, prayers specific to Ethiopian Jews as well as an explanation of Ethiopian Jews’ unique Pessah traditions and customs.

The Haggada is not only aimed at the Ethiopian Jewish community. It is a useful addition to any Seder, as it helps other Jews understand the story and connection of this ethnic group to Judaism.

Hadane emphasizes that while it is important that the account of Ethiopian Jewry's liberation be told, he sees this as only one chapter in the larger story of the relations between Jews and their God across all generations.

“It is important that the story of all Jews, not just Ethiopian Jews, be told,” he says. “When we talk about the miracle of the Ethiopian Jews we talk about the miracle of God and all His people.”

Nicole Hyman is a South African freelance journalist based in Tel Aviv.
www.nicolehyman.net
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