Tuesday, February 15, 2011

Attacks on the Press 2010: Ethiopia

.CPJ- 15-2-2011

The ruling Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front, or EPRDF, imprisoned journalists, jammed foreign broadcasters, and blocked websites as it swept general elections in May. The government-controlled National Electoral Board declared the EPRDF-led coalition of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, in power since 1991, the winner in all but two of 547 contested parliamentary seats, prompting opposition allegations of voter intimidation and ballot-rigging, as well as U.S. and European Union criticism. Zenawi won another five-year term as his government dismissed criticism of the vote as a smear campaign. Opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa was kept in prison until October.

As Ethiopian leaders trumpeted their economic growth, the government increasingly asserted its adherence to the development model of China. "We do not follow the liberal democratic principles which the Western countries are pushing us to follow," Deputy Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn told the U.S. government-funded broadcaster Voice of America. In September, at Columbia University's World Leaders Forum in New York, Zenawi delivered a keynote address that portrayed a decline in Western economic models and criticized the West's purported impositions on Africa. In the speech, he described a new era in which Africans have the choice of alternative models of development. "The fact that Africans now have a choice is ... fundamentally liberating," he said. During a question-and-answer session after the speech, CPJ's Mohamed Keita challenged the prime minister to reconcile his description of choice with his administration's repression of journalists. "Over the years, in bringing choice to Ethiopians, we have had to trample on a few toes," Zenawi responded. "And those few toes have had difficulty accepting the status quo in Ethiopia."

Illustrating the government's willingness to trample on toes, police in Addis Ababa interrogated two editors of the weekly Sendek for seven hours shortly before Zenawi took the dais in New York. Police said they had summoned the editors over a license violation; local journalists said the license was up-to-date and the questioning was actually motivated by the paper's publication of an interview with an opposition leader.

Facing such harassment, journalists rarely dared to challenge gaps between the nation's successes and its shortcomings. Paradoxes included the government's claims of economic growth, even as the U.N. 2010 Human Development Index ranked Ethiopia in the bottom dozen countries worldwide. The index measures quality-of-life issues such as life expectancy, education, and standard of living.

Ethiopia's embattled independent press still felt the loss of the newsmagazine Addis Neger, which closed in 2009 when its editors, harassed by the government, fled into exile. The editors continued to publish an online edition of Addis Neger from exile, but domestic readership was severely curtailed.

In its absence, the weekly Awramba Times stepped in as the sole political publication to regularly question government claims, local sources said. The Awramba Times is among a handful of politically oriented newspapers that the government authorized in the years since it shuttered the independent press in the tumultuous aftermath of the 2005 election.

The government sought to intimidate Awramba Times staffers in reprisal for their challenging coverage. In May, for instance, the newspaper published a column comparing opposition fervor in the 2010 vote to that during the hotly contested 2005 election, according to local journalists. Desta Tesfaw, head of the government-controlled media regulatory agency, summoned one of the paper's top editors, Dawit Kebede, and accused the Awramba Times of "intentionally inciting and misguiding the public," the journalist said. The threats led Editor-in-Chief Woubshet Taye to resign.

Kebede reported in June that the newspaper's mail was being destroyed and tampered with at Teklay Posta Bet, the national postal headquarters. Post office manager Bezabih Asfaw told CPJ that he would investigate, but denied any tampering. In July 2010, Ethio Channel, a private pro-government publication, ran columns accusing Awramba Times of "working in collaboration with Ginbot 7 to remove the government from power," according to local journalists. The government has banned Ginbot 7, an opposition political movement, and labeled it a terrorist organization.

Kebede, who was imprisoned in the 2005 crackdown, was honored in November 2010 with CPJ's International Press Freedom Award in recognition of his courage in the face of government intimidation.

The government continued to harass other journalists targeted in the 2005 crackdown. In March, a panel of three Supreme Court judges reinstated fines imposed on the dissolved Fasil, Serkalem, Sisay, and Zekarias publishing houses; their principals were individually acquitted of antistate crimes. The fines, which ranged from 15,000 birr (US$1,100) to 120,000 birr (US$8,800), were heavy by Ethiopian economic standards.

Authorities also escalated pressure on the U.S. government-funded broadcaster Voice of America (VOA), zeroing in on the station's hour-long Amharic-language programs, which had been broadcast into Ethiopia since September 1982. In February, VOA reported that its listeners in Ethiopia heard only static. CPJ sources in Ethiopia confirmed the reports, noting that VOA's broadcasts in the Afan Oromo and Tigrigna languages experienced no interference. The Ethiopian government initially denied involvement. "This is absolutely a sham," spokesman Shimelis Kemal told CPJ. "The Ethiopian government does not support the policy of restricting foreign broadcasting services in the country. Such practices are prohibited in our constitution." Other international stations broadcasting Amharic-language programming into Ethiopia, including the German public broadcaster Deutsche Welle, also reported recurring interference, according to CPJ research.

During a March press conference, Zenawi left little doubt that the government was in favor of jamming foreign-based stations. Comparing VOA's Amharic service to Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines, the Rwandan station infamous for incitement during the 1994 genocide, Zenawi said VOA broadcasts were "destabilizing propaganda." He declared he would officially authorize jamming of foreign stations once government technicians had full capability. Following Zenawi's comments, spokesman Kemal charged that "VOA in the past has repeatedly broadcast programs and statements that tend to incite, foment hatred between different ethnic groups," according to news reports. VOA denied any accusations of incitement or unprofessionalism. VOA journalists said Ethiopian officials have refused to respond to the service's requests for comment or information for years.

The government's animosity toward VOA may have played a role in the expulsion of Heather Murdock, a contributor who covered the May elections and was arrested in June while reporting in the eastern region of Harar. Authorities accused Murdock of attempting to contact the Ogaden National Liberation Front, a separatist group battling government troops in the area. (Harar borders the restive Ogaden region, where independent journalists are denied access, according to CPJ research.) Murdock denied the accusations, telling CPJ she was working on a story about hyenas.

The shift in the government's tone, from denial of abuses to defiance of criticism, occurred as Human Rights Watch released a report concluding that authorities had created a climate of fear ahead of the May elections through a "coordinated and sustained attack" on political opponents and journalists. In January, for instance, security agents in the northern city of Mekelle arrested Jason McLure of Bloomberg News after he interviewed leaders of the local opposition party Aarena Tigray about allegations of government harassment, according to local journalists. McLure was held for five days.

With four journalists behind bars when CPJ conducted its annual census of imprisoned journalists on December 1, Ethiopia was the second-worst jailer of the press in the region. Only Eritrea, with 17 jailed journalists, had a worse record.

Officially, authorities claimed to have relented in their persecution of journalists. "The government has rectified many, many practices such as pretrial detention of journalists. Prosecutors are not encouraged to press charges against journalists," government spokesman Kemal told CPJ in August. Yet authorities in the northeastern region of Afar held editor Akram Ezedin of the private Islamic weekly Al-Quds in pretrial detention for two months on defamation charges stemming from stories critical of the region's Islamic Council. Ezedin, 17, was arrested on September 11, the day his father, Publisher Ezedin Mohamed, was set free after serving nine months in prison for a 2008 column criticizing Zenawi's description of Ethiopia as "orthodox Christian," according to local journalists.

Two journalists from the government-controlled Ethiopian Radio and Television Agency--editor Haileyesus Worku and reporter Abdulsemed Mohammed--were imprisoned in apparent reprisal for Worku's alleged attempts to copy sensitive footage of the 2005 post-election violence. A week after the arrests, government spokesman Bereket Simon told CPJ the journalists had been "caught 'red-handed,'" but he would not detail the accusations. The two journalists were eventually charged with copyright violation. A trial, which was being conducted behind closed doors, was ongoing in late year.

Mohammed, a 14-year veteran, was one of several senior journalists demoted by the state broadcaster during a politicized civil service overhaul that replaced professional journalists with party cadres, journalists told CPJ. They believed the charges against Mohammed were politically motivated reprisals for his lack of membership in the ruling party.

As in past years, Ethiopian authorities refused to account for the whereabouts, health, or legal status of Eritrean state journalists Saleh Idris Gama and Tesfalidet Kidane Tesfazghi, who have been held incommunicado on unsubstantiated accusations of terrorism since late 2006.

Ethiopian authorities imposed considerable Internet censorship: Websites for VOA, CPJ, and the URL-shortening service bit.ly were among those inaccessible in the country, according to local Internet users. The government's monopoly on Internet service took a turn in March when it awarded France Telecom a three-year contract to manage the state-run Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation. Terms of the deal were not disclosed, according to local news reports.

Friday, February 11, 2011

From Pyramid tourism to Freedom/Liberation Tourism

By Ankober Zuta of this blog

12-02-2011

"The end of Hosni Mubarak's rule in Egypt on Friday should bring opportunities for investors as freer markets and increased commerce gradually take root in a country with 80 million people hungry to become part of the global economy.

Mubarak relinquished power to the military 18 days after an uprising led by a technologically savvy young population demanding jobs, freedoms and transparency."Reuters reported yesterday,

Fri Feb 11, 2011.

Despite the political uncertainty of what lies ahead in the short-term, investors see the Egyptian "White Revolution," as many citizens are calling it, an opportunity to grab market-share in the region's most populous country.Although I dislike the 'white', 'black'and 'orange' representations of revolutions or whatever in general, the Egyptian revolution will bring many fortunes to Egypt than curse.

Egypt was source of much of the world's civilization.The country amasses billions of Dollars every-year from the sector.Due to the recent unrest alone , the nation lost over two billion dollars from tourism.Egypt's temples,pyramids and age-old history makes it a perfect symbol and destination of tourism and tourists.But Egypt has now dramatically changed the face of tourism.

Tourism has now changed from being of history, architecture and materialism to essence.Egyptians have proffered a new form of Tourism to this world-Freedom/Liberation Tourism I call it. Tahrir Square is the spot to be visited.Billions from all corners of the world will visit this,cradle of popular,non violent,iconic spot of revolution.I pray for the day that i visit Tahrir Square in person be in the offing.I foresee also that many repressed,dictated and 'colonized' cities of Africa from Algiers to Libreville, from Harare to Addis Abeba will sing the joy of Freedom and Liberation along with their Egyptian fellows.









Sunday, February 6, 2011

Nelson Mandela's pistol given by Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie found?

Mandela's Ethiopian Passport under the name David Motsamayi given to him by His Majesty in 1962 .This African solidarity is null today.Is there any African country that does this or help fleeing Ethiopian youth?One interesting thing in the above passport is the profession of Madeba;the Amharic above says Journalist.Madeba the gazetegna!



Complied By Ankober
6/02/2011

"In 1962, Mr. Nelson Mandela secretly travelled to Ethiopia for military, political and spiritual training. Haile Selassie's Ethiopian army, on the orders of Haile Selassie himself first trained and armed Nelson Mandela in his struggle against apartheid South Africa. On the personal orders of his Majesty, the Ethiopian Colonel in charge of Mandela's military training gave him a gun with which he was to bring down the ignoble and unhappy apartheid regime still thriving at that time in South Africa. Mandela went back to South Africa to continue his struggle. The rest is history.

A search to find a pistol owned by Nelson Mandela said to be the first weapon of the African National Congress’ armed resistance to apartheid rule and given to him while he was in military training in Ethiopia has ended under the house of a South African pop star.

The gun was given to Mr Mandela by an Ethiopian Colonel who gave him military training while he was on the run from South Africa’s white government seeking to prosecute him for his political activities.

When he returned to South Africa, just weeks before he was arrested and jailed for 27 years, he buried it in the grounds of the farm where he was staying.

Now, trustees of Liliesleaf Farm in Johannesburg believe they have established where the Bulgarian-made pistol lies. They are looking at bringing in excavators to search under a house which was built over it and is now inhabited by a local pop star.

The gun has an estimated value of 22 million Rand (£1.8 million). With 92-year-old Mr Mandela’s health fading, the trustees fear it is their last chance to find the weapon in his lifetime.

The Makarov pistol was given to him in 1962, as he toured the world seeking funding and training for Umkhonto we Sizwe, or ‘Spear of the Nation’, the armed wing of the ANC he established to fight apartheid.

In Ethiopia, he received military and political training from Emperor Haile Selassie’s army. When Mr Mandela left Ethiopia, the colonel in charge of his training give him a gun to symbolise his coming struggle – reportedly on the instructions of the Emperor himself.

Allister Sparks, a South African journalist who is a friend of Mr Mandela’s, said the gift had meant a great deal to the freedom fighter, who went on to become South Africa’s first black president in 1994.

“It was essentially ceremonial, but, to my knowledge, that may have been Umkhonto we Sizwe’s first weapon,” he said.

In late July 1962, perhaps mindful that his days of freedom were numbered, Mr Mandela wrapped the Makarov pistol in foil and an army uniform and buried it under a tin plate along with 200 rounds of ammunition in a 1.5-metre deep pit.

During his subsequent 27-year stay in jail, other properties were built in the grounds, including one on top of the suspected gun burial site.

After Mr Mandela had been released, he visited Liliesleaf in 2003 and pointed out to Nicholas Wolpe, the son of a former ANC activist and chief executive of the Liliesleaf Trust, where he believed the gun was hidden, telling him: “I hope you find it”.

Mr Wolpe says he is confident that the weapon is underneath a house adjoining the farm, 5 George Avenue, which is owned by 77-year-old pensioner Al Leenstra and inhabited by a pop singer called JMaxx.

Mr Leenstra has said he would be willing to sell the house for it to be demolished but Mr Wolpe is hoping it may not be necessary. The trust is looking into bringing in a team which normally works in war zones, using dogs which can scent ammunition.

Mr Wolpe said he believed the gun had “real personal significance” for Mr Mandela, and has made it his personal mission to find it.

"The final excavation and showcasing of this pistol is awaited by many. African nations of toady ought to learn from this historic pistol and its linked legacy.Africans should stand in solidarity - help one another-fight foreign dividers -remove jealousy- help fleeing African brothers and sisters." Ankober recaps.

Long live Madeba and HIM Hailesellasie,who beaconed the beginning of the end of Apartheid.

Thursday, February 3, 2011

Nepotism creeps in more: Debretsion Chairs the Boards of Nation’s two big Corporations

By Ankober Zuta, DebreBirhan Blogspot’s Staffer

3/02/2011

Debretsion G/Michael,Tigrean People’s Lireation Front’s (TPLF) Central Committee and Politburo member and Meles Zenawi’s right hand man has been bestowed with two Board Chairmanships (Borad Chairman of Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation (EEPCO) and EthioTelecom ), in addition to his position as the Minister of Communication and Information Technology. Debretsion handles and controls Ethiopia’s technological intelligence tapping all forms of communication.

His appointment as the Board Chairman of EEPCO came as a gloom for many as the position was rather expected to be held by a strenuous official who can alleviate the country’s dire power shortage and cutting problems. The fact that the dual Chairmanships are held by the same person would likely increase the disorganisation and mismanagement of the Corporations, staff of the EEPCO spoke out to this blogger.

Gebretsion, a former guerrilla rebel of the TPLF has been trained in Electrical Engineering/Communication and Public policy and management.Girma Biru, the former Board Chairman of the EEPCO has been appointed as an ambassador to the United States of America, leaving the space for a dual monopolization by one man. B/G Kinfe Dagnew, General Director, Metal and Engineering Corporation, deputizes Debretsion as a Board member. Kinfe, a member of TPLF and Head of the Dejen Defense Aviation of Ethiopian Defense Forces, is now leading the most controversial, Metal and Engineering Corporation.

The boxes below show the former and current members of the EEPCO Board members.

EEPCO’s Board as of February 2011

EPCo's Board of Directors

Name

Designation

1

Debretsion G/Michael

Chairman, Minister, Ministry of Communication and Information Technology.

2

B/G Kinfe Dagnew

Member, General Director, Metal and Engineering Corporation.

3

Mekonnen Manyazewal

Member, Minister, Ministry of Industry.

4

W/o Sinknesh Ejigu

Member, Minister, Ministry of Mines.

5

Adamu Ayana

Member, State Minister, Ministry of Civil Service.

6

Member, Addis Ababa University.

7

Temesgen Damtew

Member, National Intelligence and Security Service.

8

Gosaye Mengistu

Member, Ministry of Water and Energy.

9

Miheret Debebe

Secretary, Chief Executive Officer EEPCo.

Before February 2011

EEPCo's Board of Directors

Name

Designation

1

Girma Birru

Chairman, Minister, Ministry of trade & Industry

2

Shiferaw Jarso

Member, Minster Basin affairs

3

Fikru Desalegn

Member, State Minister, Ministry of Capacity Building

4

Asfaw Dingamo

Member, Minister, Ministry of Water Resource

5

Abie Sano

Member, Commercial Bank of Ethiopia

6

Wolde-Ghorgis Wolde-Mariam

Member, Professor (Dr.) of Electrical Engineering

7

Temesgen Damtew

Member, National Intelligence and Security Service.

8

Gosaye Mengistu

Member, Ministry of Mining & Energy

9

Getachew Betru

Member, Dr. G.B.A Consultancy Ltd.

10

Miheret Debebe

Secretary, Chief Executive Officer EEPCo.

In a similar development of transferring the top governmental and public organisations to the military, one ethnic group and ideologues washed by the ruling party’s political ideology, the central positions of the EthioTelecom management have been given to individuals that have descended from Ethiopian Defense Forces and Ethiopian Defense Engineering College.






Tuesday, January 25, 2011

populaire de la révolution




By Ankober Zuta ,DebreBirhan Blogspot’s Staffer

25/1/11

Sinteya is a colleague from Central Africa, here in the country I live. We have roved around issues of genre from racism to humanity, sex, unemployment and Africa. Tunisia and the revolution was the most conspicuous of them. She says “I am not wondered about the revolution in Tunisia.” She posits that revolution was a result of modernisation and ‘neutral’ army. “As you saw, the high literacy rate and technological advancements and the refusal of the army general to shoot the people was the reason for the revolution’’.

She was also doubtful of the repeatability of the Tunisian case in other African countries as, mainly, the military is partial.

What would the military do if Ethiopians rise up tomorrow like the Tunisians?

Neamin Zeleke in his May 2009 article wrote:

Ginbot 7‘s latest statement provides a comprehensive list of the key and commanding positions held by Tigrayns in the military. By any stretch of imagination, it is not possible that 6% of the population have the unique capacity to command and control 95% of the command posts in the military. It is not possible by any kind of qualitative measurement for promotion — merit, experience, education and other criteria — that a single and minority ethnic group would have what it takes to hold 57 out of the 61 key and mission critical positions within the national military. Nothing can be further from the truth; the only thing that they have is their ethnicity and political loyalty to be able to totally dominate the military in such grossly disproportional ratio. This is the penultimate and most central point that comes out very loud and clear indeed.

Can a force of the above make up stand and say no I won’t shoot peaceful demonstrators? When will Ethiopia and Africa in general, have an army that is managed by civilians? When will it be accountable and free from monopoly?

G/Tsadkan Gebretensae formerly Lieutenant General was a ‘’liberation fighter’’ with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), first as a rank and file fighter and rose through the ranks to be a senior member of the TPLF leadership. During the armed struggle for over 15 years, he played a crucial role in building and commanding the TPLF army, until his transition to the position of Chief of the General Staff of the new Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) from 1991 to 2001. During this period he led the transition of the liberation army of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF still the ruling party) into a conventional National defense force, and commanded the Armed forces in the war against Eritrea. He has received his Masters in International Policy and Practice from the Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University and Masters in Business Administration (MBA) from the UK Open University. Since 2002 in a row that occurred within the party his military recognition was removed by Meles Zenawi. Since then he is just Tsadkan now. Currently he is in the process of forming the Raya Beer S.C. with Eyesusworq Zafu , the president of the Ethiopian Chamber of Commerce and Sectoral Associations and chief executive of United Bank S.C.

Seventeen years ago, when Ethiopia was under a Transitional Government (I was just 11 then by the way) was in power Tsadkan presented a compelling paper, knowingly or unknowingly.

On the a symposium “on the Making of The New Ethiopian Constitution held Addis-Ababa from 17-21 May 1993'' , General Tsadkan Gebretensae then Chief of the General Staff Armed Forces of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia had this compellingly smart vision of an Ethiopian army. As the paper was eight pages- I select and present some of his wonderful visions that had been lost in the air.

“I would like to preface my comments by stating that the views I am expressing are my own, and not the official views of either the EPRDF or of the Ministry of Defense of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia. I hope that my comments, which I base on my own experience and an analysis of the role of the military in the past, will prove useful to the debate and discussion taking place at this Symposium. ” he kicks of his paper.

Tsadkan then envisioning the purpose of the national army says

“The purpose of the national army must be defined by the constitution. The future national army cannot be an instrument to suppress internal political dissent or to resolve political problems, within Ethiopia, that should be resolved politically and democratically. ”

The military must obtain its direction from the constitution, and the constitution should be the instrument for informing the social and political consciousness of the armed forces. The national army must be guided by and be loyal to the constitution. But to defend the constitution, the army must know and understand the principles and articles that the constitution upholds, he had viewed.

On the command of the army he viewed,

“The command of the national army must rest with the elected civilian authorities. The highest legislative authority in the country must determine the size, structure and budget of the army if civilian control of the armed forces is to be guaranteed... This understanding can be achieved by increasing the level of public understanding and debate about the military and military matters, and by ensuring that the national army operates with transparency.”

Accountably

Regarding the issue of accountability Tsadkan’s spot was

“If the national army is to be credible, and to function as a guardian of peace in the eyes of the population, it must be accountable at several levels. In general, the national army should be accountable to civilian authorities in the execution of its mission. This means that, as stated above, the highest legislative body of the land would determine the army’s size, structure and budget...

He said this accountability was critical for a number of reasons. First, it demonstrates to the civil society that the military is not above the law and thus cannot abuse its power. Second; it reinforces the understanding of legal and democratic principles within the army itself, thus ensuring better democratic practice and a commonality of purpose between the army and the civilian population.

Composition of the National Army

This was the section that grabbed my psyche. He said “The national army of Ethiopia must be broadly representative of the society.”

He continues

“This does not mean that its composition should be based on an ethnic quota system, but that it must be truly national in character and sufficient diversity to allow the people of Ethiopia to feel ownership. The army must be their army. Therefore, the army must be composed in such a way as to serve as a symbol of Ethiopia’s diversity and of its unity. To function as a national army, the military must be under a central command and can’t be composed of various ethnic armies. Rather, the army must involve and include all the peoples of the country and foster a relationship between and among them that is based on mutual respect and equality. If the military demonstrates, by its composition and internal life, that it respects the equal rights of all people, that it is representative of Ethiopia, it can also support the quest for unity with equality throughout the entire country.”

The following statements show how really visionary Tsadkan was and makes him the first Tigrean to criticise the army’s monopoly under one ethnic group.

“The existing army, which is mandated to serve during the transitional period, is not, for historical reasons, as representative as it should be. This fast has caused some difficulties during the transition, and needs to be rectified. In order to do so, it will be necessary to demobilize many Tigrian members of the armed forces and to re-shape the army to reflect the participation of all nations and nationalities. Demobilization is a process that must be undertaken carefully and with a long-term view towards providing former combatants with a viable economic alternative. It is therefore a responsibility that the government must assume, and the people must support. ”

Summary

Tsadkan summarised his vision paper of Ethiopia’s army with these bullets for a democratic Ethiopia:

1) The definition of clear purpose for the army.

2) A political awareness, within the army, of the constitution and of its role in defending and promoting that constitution.

3) Democratic internal management of the army.

4) An integrated relationship between the army and the civilian population.

5) Control of the armed forces by civilian authorities.

6) Accountability of the army to the people and their elected representatives.

7) An army of a size that is realistic and affordable.

8) An army which is composed to reflect the diversity and unity of Ethiopia.

The approach of building a barracks army has led Ethiopia to disaster in the past, and we should not repeat that failed experiment, he asserts.

“In the absence of such measures, not only will the army be incapable of contributing to democracy, but it will cease to function as an effective fighting force because the entire arrangement depends upon popular support for and confidences in the army which can only come from the democratization of society.” Tsadkan concludes.

I like Tsadkan’s hallucinations. Hallucinations that went with the wind.I don’t know why it was hidden and not much was written about his vision. He is one good fella that would ‘perhaps’ say no or grumble had he been asked to shoot peaceful demonstrators. Egypt is roaring in protests the most closest and likeliest nation is Ethiopia.

Will the real Tsadkan please stand up/back and help his/your people? Will you shift from business and use your amazing head to realise your vision?

Just a clarion call from a tiny compatriot.

Full paper: http://www.cprdhorn.org/AVISIONOFANEWARMYFORETHOIPIA.pdf

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