Friday, July 23, 2010

Sad moments in Bahir Dar: construction terrorism

Bahirdar city has been hit with a construction terror where around 20 sisters of us from the Amhara region perished. The tragedy occurred when these ladies were working on the Bahir Dar University's dormitory buildings ,due to the breakdown of the wooden scaffolding .Who takes the blame? The the careless University administration,local government,the construction company, the workers or who? Eventually, one of them is the cause of this construction terrorism.

Check this link for more:

Saturday, July 17, 2010

We respect every religion equally impartially:HIM Hailesilassie I

Here is a speech HIM Hailesilassie I gave on October 11, 1963 during his visit of the mosque in Asmara, Eritrea following the welcoming speech by the head of the mosque Sheikh Ibrahim Oumar Muktar.

I thought it would invite further reflections on the current Islam-Christian issue.

The speech is from the 2nd volume of the book “firekenafir Ze Kedamawi Hailesilassie Niguse Negest ZeEthiopia.” (Witty Words of Mouth from Hailesilassie I King of Kings of Ethiopia.)

silasie


Thursday, July 15, 2010

Africans don't rate Bob Geldof, so why should we?

it hurts to say this, but Live Aid should not be celebrated, writes Andrew Gilligan.

Monday, July 12, 2010

Eritrea to have an Ambassador in Ethiopia?

The fact that the destiny of Ethiopia and Eritrea is tied for eternity, is stating the obvious. Despite the political fallouts of their respective leadership, for generations, the people have shared values, culture, history, and popular aspirations. The historical circumstances that led to them becoming two nations is something many, on both sides, have come to regret.

Nonetheless, Eritrea is a member of the world community, with its belligerent leader who is discourteous to multilateral organisations, from the United Nations to the African Union, and contemptuous of regional bodies such as Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

It ought not to be surprising for Monsieur Issayas Afeworki who has put his country at odds with almost all its neighbours ranging from Yemen, across the Red Sea, to its cousin, Ethiopia, that the leadership of Asmara and Addis Abeba have been bitter foes for over a decade now, which is reminiscent of a nasty squabble between family members.

Yet, Addis Abeba is not only the seat of Ethiopia’s federal government; it is more than that. The city houses the headquarters of the continental body, the AU, earning it a position as the political and diplomatic capital of Africa, with the fourth largest diplomatic representation in the world.

Alas, Eritrean diplomats, since the bloody border dispute with Ethiopia 10 years ago, and due to the subsequent no-war-no-peace status quo, have been glaringly absent from the diplomatic corridors of Addis Abeba.

Over the years, its president has not been tempted to come through Bole International Airport to attend any of the several heads of state summits, including the landmark summit that transformed the OAU to the AU.

Would Ethiopian authorities have a problem with him participating at the AU summits in Addis?

Ethiopian authorities have always asserted that they would not. In fact, they likened the possibility thereof to the visits of the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, to the UN headquarters in New York despite the tense relationship between the US and Iran.

Last year, the Eritrean government accused Ethiopian authorities of refusing to let Eritrean ministers and diplomats enter Ethiopia to participate in the AU meetings. Ethiopian authorities dismissed the allegation as baseless and now they want to prove that they meant what they said.

The foreign office wrote a letter to the AU, stating that Eritrean diplomats are free to come to Addis and reopen their, otherwise deserted, embassy here, gossip disclosed. Furthermore, the Eritrean government could probably reinvigorate the green-white building at Meskel Square, with the new appointment of Girma Asmerom as Eritrea’s ambassador to the AU, disclosed gossip.

Girma, whose contemporaries know him as a superb footballer, is not alien to Ethiopia, for he was born in Dessie and grew up in Ethiopia, before he joined the rebels in the north back in the 1970s. Nor will he be new to the embassy compound for he served as Eritrea’s second ambassador to Ethiopia after his country seceded and gained nation status from the UN in the mid 1990s.

In fact, Girma was serving as his young nation’s ambassador when his president tied on the straw that broke the camel’s back in 1999; Issayas sent his troops to invade the border town of Badme, and the small town has remained in the collective consciousness of both nations ever since. (Addisfortune)

Sunday, July 11, 2010

Ethiopian troops kill 15 Somalis, injure more than 25 others

A rebellion by ethnic Somali's in Ethiopia's Ogaden region has been ...

EL-DIBILE - At least 15 people were killed and about

30 others wounded deliberately after more Ethiopian

troops attacked Somali civilians in parts of the

Somali region under the control of Ethiopia, just

as there had been tense between the

troops and residents according to witnesses

.Adan Jama’a, One of the traditional elders

confirmed the number of deaths to all

voices’ reporter adding that the dead

people where all civilians including traditional

elders, peace makers, teenagers, women

and young children.“It was a massacre

against the Somali people. More Ethiopian

troops had attacked us and they had deliberately

killed us. They were speaking Somali language.

15 people had been killed and more others are

in a serious condition at the moment,”

said Adan Jama Clan militias of the Somali

residents in the Somali region and Ethiopian

troops had exchanged gunfire that caused

some casualties of deaths and injuries and

the clash started as the Ethiopian troops

ordered to the residents to hand over two

lorries those transported food for the Somalis

in the region which the residents refused

to follow the order and caused the tense

between the two sides.There had been

several times that Ethiopian troops suspended

the vehicles transporting goods to the Somali

region under the control of Ethiopia and there

is no comment about fighting from the Ethiopian

government and why their troops continue killing

the Somali civilians in the region so far.

Should we be giving African dictators millions when so many need it at home?



By Michael Brennan Political Correspondent

Saturday July 10 2010

This year, we are giving almost €60m in aid to Ethiopia and Uganda, despite the fact they are ruled by virtual dictators. Yet a respite care centre in Limerick city has been shut for the lack of €150,000 and similar services nationwide are under threat due to budget cutbacks in the health service.

So is it wise to continue to give aid to Ethiopia and Uganda when money is so short at home? That question was the unspoken reason behind Foreign Affairs Minister Micheal Martin's visit to both countries.

The €696m annual budget for Irish aid (already down from €869m three years ago) is under more pressure than ever because it's easier to cut spending abroad than at home.

But it is always more convenient to deal with statistics rather than people. Mr Martin was instantly confronted with "hard cases" that even the most extreme financial hawks would find difficult to dismiss.

There was the former street child in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa who was forced into marriage at the age of eight and infected with HIV by her much older husband. Genet Ejigu (17) has been given a fresh start in life after getting anti-retroviral drugs from John O'Shea's charity Goal, which have allowed her to control her illness. She said she was now much happier working as a shoeshine girl in Addis Ababa, which can earn her around US$3 (€2.40) a day.

"I was orphaned, I didn't have any family and I was forced to marry a man I didn't know. I ran away from him," she said, speaking through a translator.

There is no doubting the deprivation in Ethiopia, which remains the eighth poorest country in the world. But the Ethiopian government got its fingers burnt when it held multi-party elections in 2005 that it almost lost -- and has been busy clamping down on opposition parties and free speech ever since.

Several Irish aid workers in Addis Ababa complained privately that it was hard to be completely positive about a country where the prime minister Menes Zelawi has been in charge since 1985.

"I feel so frustrated that we are propping up a dictatorship," said one.

But there are signs that our aid money is having an effect on the ground, as Mr Martin witnessed when he found a slice of "old Ireland" in a rural Ethiopian village outside the capital.

He was shown around a house that had bare floors, pictures of Jesus and Mary on the walls and which had only recently been declared off-limits to the family livestock -- not that dissimilar to an Irish country cottage in the 1850s.

But Mr Martin declared himself "very impressed" with what he saw because the family living there had achieved 16 different health goals -- including clearing out the animals, building an outdoor toilet and vaccinating all their children.

"The health education programme is something I have not seen the likes of before. It involves the whole community improving your health and well being," he said. The programme of health education centres was pioneered by Irish Aid -- and is now being rolled out nationwide by the Ethiopian government.

But it is not helping Mr Martin's cause that Ethiopia and Uganda have lost their "poster child" status of several years ago, when they were hailed as models for the rest of Africa to follow.

Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni, has been in charge since 1986 and is standing again in next year's "elections". His police force shot dead 27 protesters last year in the capital Kampala and his parliament is considering a bill that would introduce the death penalty for gay people.

Mr Martin said he had made it clear that he was strongly opposed to this bill -- and pointed out how Irish Aid was funding the Ugandan Human Rights Commission. He also talked about ways of improving the community policing skills (ie not shooting anybody).

"It may involve reciprocal training -- people coming to Ireland to train in Templemore," he said.

It would be nice to get more human rights for our money but Irish aid needs the support of the governments of both Ethiopia and Uganda to allow its staff to operate freely -- and to implement nationwide health and education programmes.

And if it goes down the route of only funding charities such as Trocaire, Concern or Goal, it will never strengthen the institutions that are needed to allow both countries to wean themselves off development aid in the long term.

At the moment, it's a bit like the fascinating version of "Amhrán na bhFiann", which Ugandan schoolchildren sang to Mr Martin "as Gaelige" -- not perfect, but they're definitely getting there.

- Michael Brennan Political Correspondent

Irish Independent

Friday, July 9, 2010

Humanitarian governance in the new millennium: an Ethiopian case study

Humanitarian governance in the new millennium: an Ethiopian
case study
Sue Lautze, Angela Raven-Roberts and Teshome Erkineh
HPG Working Paper
February 2009

This is a good and timely research to read.

Click below:

Monday, July 5, 2010

Abaas: Palestine's President in Ethiopia , What a Geopolitics?

Abaas is in Ethiopia.What sort of Geopolitics is going on there?Why now with Palestine among all the superpowers ?

Everything seems to have began in January 2010. How? Click this link to know:

http://ethiotube.net/video/7645/ETV-News--Ethiopia-shows-solidarity-with-Palestine-by-giving-4500-acre-land-for-Palestine-Embassy--Residence



The President of the State of Palestine, Mahmoud Abbas, arrived in Addis Ababa late on Monday for a three day official visit to Ethiopia.


According to the Palestinian embassy in Addis Ababa, the visit aims to consolidate the bonds of love and constructive cooperation between the two countries, enhancing bilateral cooperation, and open new horizons between the two countries, especially in the areas of investment, trade and agriculture.


“It will give an opportunity for the leaders to exchange views and consultations in regional and international issues of common concern. It also comes to mobilize support for diplomatic efforts exerted by President Mahmoud Abbas to put an end to the Arab - Israeli and Palestinian - Israeli conflict,” said the embassy.


It will be the first time when such high level Palestinian official is visiting Ethiopia.


It is also scheduled that the Palestinian President will hold official talks with the President of Ethiopia, Girma Wolde Giorgis, and with Ethiopian Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, on issues of mutual interest, latest developments in the peace process and “Israeli violations sustained against Islamic and Christian sanctities” in Palestine.


Abbas is also expected to lay down a foundation stone for the construction of a Palestine embassy in Ethiopia, for which the Ethiopian government has granted a free plot of land.


Palestine established diplomatic relations with Ethiopia by opening a consulate in Addis Ababa in the early 1970s.

World's first illustrated Christian bible discovered at Ethiopian monastery

World's first illustrated Christian bible discovered at Ethiopian monastery

By DAILY MAIL REPORTER
Last updated at 5:33 PM on 5th July 2010

The world's earliest illustrated Christian book has been saved by a British charity which located it at a remote Ethiopian monastery.\a

The incredible Garima Gospels are named after a monk who arrived in the African country in the fifth century and is said to have copied them out in just one day.

Beautifully illustrated, the colours are still vivid and thanks to the Ethiopian Heritage Fund have been conserved.

Abba Garima arrived from Constantinople in 494 AD and legend has it that he was able to copy the gospels in a day because God delayed the sun from setting.

A page from the Garima Gospels - the world's oldest hristian book found in a remote monastary in Ethiopia

A page from the Garima Gospels - the world's oldest Christian book found in a remote monastery in Ethiopia

The incredible relic has been kept ever since in the Garima Monastery near Adwa in the north of the country, which is in the Tigray region at 7,000 feet.

Experts believe it is also the earliest example of book binding still attached to the original pages.

The survival of the Gospels is incredible considering the country has been under Muslim invasion, Italian invasion and a fire in the 1930s destroyed the monastery's church.

They were written on goat skin in the early Ethiopian language of Ge'ez.

There are two volumes which date from the same time, but the second is written in a different hand from the first. Both contain illustrations and the four Gospels.

Though the texts had been mentioned by the occasional traveller since the 1950s, it had been thought they dated from the 11th century at the earliest.

Carbon dating, however, gives a date between 330 and 650 - which tantalisingly overlaps the date Abba Garima arrived in the country.

So the first volume could be in his hand - even if he didn't complete the task in a day as the oral tradition states.

The charity Ethiopian Heritage Fund that was set up to help preserve the treasures in the country has made the stunning discovery.

It was also allowed incredibly rare access to the texts so experts could conserve them on site.

A page from the Garima Gospels - the world's oldest hristian book found in a remote monastary in Ethiopia

The incredible relic has been kept ever since in the Garima Monastery near Adwa in the north of Ethiopia

It is now hoped the Gospels will be put in a museum at the monastery where visitors will be able to view them.

Blair Priday from the Ethiopian Heritage Fund said: 'Ethiopia has been overlooked as a source of these fantastic things.

'Many of these old Christian relics can only be reached by hiking and climbing to remote monasteries as roads are limited in these mountainous regions.

'All the work on the texts was done in situ and everything is reversible, so if in future they can be taken away for further conservation we won't have hindered that.

'The pages had been crudely stitched together in a restoration in the 1960s and some of the pages wouldn't even turn. And they were falling to pieces.

'The Garima Gospels have been kept high and dry which has helped preserve them all these years and they are kept in the dark so the colours look fresh.

'This was the most astounding of all our projects and the Patriarch, the head of the Ethiopian Church, had to give his permission.

'Most of the experts did the work for nothing.

'We are currently undertaking other restoration programmes on wall paintings and religious texts.

'We believe that preserving Ethiopia's cultural heritage will help to increase visitor revenue and understanding of the extraordinary history of this country



Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/sciencetech/article-1292150/Worlds-illustrated-Christian-bible-discovered-Ethiopian-monastery.html#comments#ixzz0spTyVLNw

Sunday, July 4, 2010

The future is to follow China

Editors Note: My dearest Ethiopian brothers and sisters,this article was written by Moeletsi Mbeki in 2005.I am not kinda advocating that Ethiopia's future is to follow China but this article is so mesmerizing and legibly tells off the realities in toady's Africa.The article also raises at some point where in the post colonial Africa,making a distinction between the ruling African elites and the private sector comes into necessity (EFFORT).Above all the weakness of WE Africans i.e. jealousy amongst ourselves needs to be uprooted.Moeletsi Mbeki,brother of Taboo Mebeki, is a political economist and the deputy chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs.



Moeletsi Mbeki

Published 14 March 2005

Africa special: trade - Foreign-owned companies operating in Africa and the rural poor are victims of the continent's political elite. It's time to set the producers free, argues Moeletsi Mbeki.

When African and Asian colonies gained independence in the 20th century, their new leaders faced two main challenges: to consolidate quickly their political power while ensuring stability and, in the longer term, to transform their countries' economies away from colonial-era norms.

The new political elites aspired to develop industrial economies like those of the departing colonial powers: economies that could produce both raw materials and manufactured goods, using a local labour force that was healthier, better educated and better clothed than before.

At first, many expected Asia to remain mired in conflict while Africa would quickly surpass it. But the opposite has happened. Although much of Asia at first succumbed to bloody conflict, stability soon followed in the south and east of that region, and countries moved fast to address the economic challenge. In Africa, however, old conflicts still rage and new ones have erupted. With few exceptions, Africa's political elites have undermined their countries' economies.

Comparing Ghana and South Korea, for instance, the World Bank notes that the two were at similar levels of development in the 1960s. Yet by 1995, Korea's exports had increased 400-fold, while Ghana's had increased fourfold. In the latter country, average real earnings per head declined.

Thinkers on the left and right of the political spectrum agree that the private sector drives modern economic development. And Africa has one of the largest private sectors in the world. If classical economic theory were right, Africa should be a hive of economic activity and growth, with private individuals and households all trying to maximize their security and comfort. But today the vast majority experiences less of both and, in many instances, faces homelessness, violence and starvation every day.

The problem is that the theory assumes private individuals and firms are free to pursue their security and comfort while owning and controlling the means to do this. It assumes that they are free to exchange what they produce without hindrance and that where they can save, they are free to keep those savings and plough them back into improved techniques or other investments.

This is not the case for the private sector in sub-Saharan Africa. It consists predominantly of subsidiaries of foreign-owned companies and the rural poor. Neither of these groups is free to operate in the market place because each is dominated politically by non-producers who control the state. This is the weakness of the African private sector, and it explains its inability to become an engine of economic development. Africa's private sector lacks political power and is therefore not free to maximize its objectives. Above all, it is not free to decide what happens to its savings.

In short, the political elite uses its control of the state to extract savings from the rural poor who, if they could, would have invested those savings either in improving their skills or in other productive economic activities. The elite diverts these savings towards its own consumption, and to strengthen the state's repressive instruments. Much of what Africa's elite consumes is imported. So state consumption does not create a significant market for African producers. Instead, it is a major drain on national savings that might have gone into productive investment.

This explains Africa's growing impoverishment. The more the political elite consolidates its power, the stronger its hold over the state, and therefore the more rural societies sink into poverty and the more African economies regress.

Zimbabwe is a textbook case for the correlation between falling living standards and the growing power of the elite. In their struggle against the white minority regime, Zimbabwe's African nationalists enlisted in particular the support of agricultural workers and the rural poor, who make up most of the population. Although the government made strenuous efforts to support the rural poor in the 1980s, the ensuing power struggles, with all their bloodletting, caused the emerging political elite to discard its wartime constituency and enrich itself - to the great detriment of the national economy and the population at large.

Foreign companies have also tended to be at the mercy of the political elite. European joint-stock companies have operated in Africa since the dawn of the capitalist era. They started by financing and operating the ships that transported slaves to the New World. With the emergence of colonialism proper, these companies followed close on the heels of the colonialists' conquering armies and established agricultural plantations, mines, railways, harbors and new cities. Later they diversified into making consumer goods for the burgeoning African market and processing raw materials.

But when the colonialists retreated from the 1950s onwards, these subsidiaries lost their key protector. They soon fell prey to the whims of the new African political elites. The lucky ones were nationalized and their owners compensated. The not-so-lucky ones were "privatized".

Even the mighty western oil companies have not escaped. Every now and then, they are compelled to make huge payments into foreign private bank accounts held by the heads of state - and the leaders' families and friends - of oil-producing countries. The US Senate recently uncovered evidence that vast sums might have been paid by oil companies into the private bank accounts in Washington, DC of the president of Equatorial Guinea.

The result of the onslaught against Africa's private sector is predictable. In a recent report, the UN Industrial Development Organization says that sub-Saharan Africa has de-industrialized over the past three decades, thanks to a widening productivity gap between agriculture and manufacturing and between manufacturing and the economy as a whole. Africa also loses more than 20,000 graduates annually, who emigrate out of the continent, according to the World Bank.

The New Partnership for Africa's Development was set up to combat sub-Saharan Africa's decline. While it may address some of the worst excesses of the political elite, it fails to tackle the fundamental malaise - the enormous imbalance of power between that elite and the key private sector producers. Until producers can control their own livelihoods and savings, there will be no development.

Sub-Saharan Africa needs a new type of democracy - one that will empower the region's private producers. First, the rural poor must become the real owners of their primary asset, which is land. This is the only way towards environmental improvement, as opposed to the current trend of rampant deforestation and desertification. To do this, freehold must be introduced and the so-called communal land-tenure system, which in reality is state land ownership, must be abolished.

Second, peasant producers must gain direct access to world markets without the political elite acting as the go-between through state-owned corporations. Internationally traded cash crops - such as coffee, tea, cotton, sugar and rubber - must be auctioned by the producers themselves rather than being sold first to state-controlled marketing boards.

New financial institutions are needed that are independent of the ruling elite, and which will address the financial needs of the rural societies as well as those of small- and medium-scale producers. These could be co-operatives, credit unions or savings banks. Besides providing financial services, they would undertake all the different areas of technical support that are not being provided by the political elite - the crop research, extension services, livestock improvement, storage, transportation and distribution that would help to make agriculture in sub-Saharan Africa more productive.

This is where foreign donors could play a more constructive role than at present, given their present efforts to sustain the political elites and African states with budgetary support and the like. Donors could support these independent institutions by providing the expertise to manage them and could to some extent help shield them from predators.

What socio-economic system would these changes bring about? Certainly not socialism. These changes would herald a capitalist market economy that answers the needs of African producers rather than the needs of colonialists and, more recently, those of the ruling elites, who try to maintain the colonialist vision of Africa as a primary producer for the industrialized world.

Sub-Saharan Africa should draw from the agricultural reforms in China over the past 25 years or so. After all, changes in the agricultural sector made it possible for China to embark on its current unprecedented industrialization.

Moeletsi Mbeki is chairman of Endemol South Africa, a TV production house, and director of Comazar, which rehabilitates and grants concessions to railway networks in Africa. He is also deputy chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs. A version of this article first appeared in Global Agenda 2005, and was based on proceedings of the World Economic Forum in Davos

Wednesday, June 30, 2010

UUUUUUU Ethiopian Asylum seekers in UK

The asylum seekers who survive on £10 a week

They can't work, they can't claim benefits, they have nowhere to live. And their only means of survival is one £10 food voucher a week. Four failed asylum seekers tell their desperate stories

Read more: how to help asylum seekers



A failed asylum seeker in Birmingham, 2010

This failed asylum seeker has been living rough on the streets of Birmingham for the last five years. Photograph: Fabio De Paola

Since this era of financial austerity began, newspapers and magazines have hurried to publish advice on how to get by on a straitened budget. So here is one to beat all others. Today we offer a guide to surviving on under £10 a week. Without a roof over your head! Without a bed to lie on! With no support from family or friends!

It's quite possible, and here's how. These helpful tips come from four failed asylum seekers in Birmingham, who remain in this country, preparing to appeal the Home Office decision, sleeping meanwhile in hedges, doorways, old garages and staircases.

Abdi, 34 Somalia

It would be wrong to describe Abdi as poor because this suggests he doesn't have enough money to survive on, which would be to put a rather optimistic spin on his situation. He isn't poor, he just doesn't have any money at all, and hasn't done for the last six months since his asylum claim was rejected in December.

He is pragmatic and uncomplaining as he explains how he manages to subsist beyond the fringes of society, hand to mouth, on meals of bread and tuna bought with Red Cross food vouchers. He has noticed, however, that the longer he lives like this, the heavier the toll on his health.

The Red Cross today publishes an uncharacteristically hard-hitting report attacking the "shameful" way the British immigration system treats those whose claims for asylum have been denied, and who have yet to return home. Once an application is turned down, the asylum seeker loses all eligibility for accommodation and financial support. Estimates suggest that there are about 200,000 asylum seekers who receive no state support, of whom perhaps 20,000 are surviving on food provided by the Red Cross or other charities. The organisation compares this emergency aid distribution to the work it does in Sudan, and is calling for the government to adopt a more "humane" approach.

Once you lose your home and financial support, the priority is to find somewhere safe to sleep. Abdi has three places he sleeps regularly, and he rotates them according to weather conditions. The first is in a mosque in a suburb of Birmingham, particularly useful when there was heavy snow. To stay there, you need to go to last prayers, join the worshippers for a while and then slip away and shut yourself in a toilet cubicle. Shortly afterwards the lights are switched off and the building locked up, and there is a secure place for the night.

Anxious to avoid suspicion, he doesn't risk staying there too often. So he has also been sleeping intermittently on a flattened cardboard box at the top of a concrete stairway to a block of flats nearby. This place is sheltered from the rain, and it has the added advantage of a light bulb that can be left on or unscrewed when he wants darkness, but the neighbours are not tremendously welcoming, and he tries not to get there until he calculates they will all be asleep. When they see him, they are generally abusive and threaten to call the police. Someone has scratched "Your Dead" into the side of his cardboard container, which he has left leaning against the wall.

"They're just joking with me," he says amiably.

The third place is in a narrow alleyway between park railings and a row of back yards, a few streets away. He has hidden his sleeping bag (marked "Don't take it. Please. Homeless") underneath a heap of discarded building materials, wooden planks with protruding nails, and broken mirrored glass. The adjoining section of park is a place where teenagers hang out to take drugs in the evening, so most people prefer to avoid the area, which means he is mostly left undisturbed.

For food he goes to the Red Cross every Tuesday, where he queues up for £10 worth of Morrison's vouchers, usually alongside up to 100 other failed asylum seekers. Volunteers here used to distribute emergency handouts of £15, but funding shortages forced them to reduce this to £10. The recipients did not protest, says Joseph Nibizi, manager at the destitution clinic; they are desperately grateful for whatever help they can get.

'People say "Go home" or "Get a job". I can't do either'

Although Birmingham has a large number of destitute asylum seekers they are not very visible. They do not sit at train stations or by cashpoints; instead they linger in the shadows, afraid of attracting attention from officials.

Abdi cultivates invisibility. He spends his day pacing from one spot to another, afraid to loiter too long, worried that people will think he is a criminal. He doesn't approve of begging. He is prohibited from working, and does not want to try working illegally – washing cars at the traffic lights – for fear of jeopardising the fresh claim for asylum he is preparing.

Existing without any money naturally causes logistical problems. Tomorrow he has to travel to Solihull on the outskirts of Birmingham for his monthly registration with the Home Office, and the bus fare will cost £3.50. He visits Morrison's to see if he can get change from his vouchers, but he knows from previous visits that the cashiers are not very well disposed to asylum seekers, and will only give change if at least half the value of the voucher is spent. It seems a trifling point, but since the change from the Morrison's voucher represents the only coins that pass through his hands during the week, it is of critical importance.

As he walks through the 14 aisles of the vast supermarket, he waves towards the shelves full of food and says: "I pass everything by because of my budget." He buys some discounted sliced bread, four tins of tuna chunks, four small tins of baked beans, and a litre of milk. He doesn't own a tin opener, but a nearby cafe owner usually agrees to lend him one, and he eats whatever he buys cold.

(At the till there seems to be some inconsistency about the policy on giving change from tokens. A cashier is happy to give me £4.50 change when I give her one of the £5 tokens to buy the 50p loaf of bread. A manager I check with smiles and says I can spend as much or as little of the £5 gift token as I like. When Abdi asks another cashier, he is told he must spend at least £2.50.)

Abdi pours out stories from his existence on the streets; they are not very cheerful, but he tells them with a sense of humour, outlining the absurdity of his situation. He has a story about a young woman who befriended him on a bench; after several days of sympathetic visits from her, it transpired that she was merely attempting to recruit him to deal drugs in the park. He has another story, told equally cheerfully, about a family who set their dogs loose on him in the alleyway where he was sleeping.

It is a bleak existence, but he is not inclined to return to Somalia. He won't say much about what prompted him to flee through Africa and then Europe hidden in cars and lorries, commenting only: "If you understand that it is a choice between living here in this way and going back to be slaughtered, then you understand that there is no choice."

His original asylum claim was refused by a judge who described it as "not credible". Campaigners point out that the asylum system is not wholly reliable, characterised by a "culture of disbelief", the onus being on asylum seekers to prove that they are not lying. Last year, 28% of people who appealed against refused asylum cases were granted leave to remain, a figure that campaigners say reflects serious flaws in the initial decision-making process. Besides, whether or not someone's claim is legitimate is not relevant to the question of whether they should be forced to live on the streets, campaigners argue.

The Red Cross is responding to the humanitarian needs of people who have nothing and nowhere to live, and staff members do not attempt to judge whether their clients' claims are solid or not. "We are a humanitarian organisation, and we believe that people run away from persecution. It is for the government to decide whether they have good cases or bad cases," Nibizi says.

Abdi has a meeting with a Home Office official later this month to go through his appeal submission. It is increasingly hard to find a solicitor, especially if you have no money. The UK's leading asylum charity,Refugee and Migrant Justice, announced yesterday that it was going into administration because of funding shortages, due to government delays in the payment of legal aid. If he submits an appeal, and it is accepted by the Home Office as potentially viable, then he will be eligible for hardship support payments and housing, but it is difficult to secure that status. Until then, he exists in limbo.

It is a confusing situation to understand. Abdi is not here illegally, since he is going through all the correct legal hoops, registering his presence with the Home Office every month, and until he gets served a removal notice he is not breaking the law by staying. He is at pains to do everything correctly, abiding by the stipulation not to work, determined not to break the law, even if that means surviving in a gutter on ad hoc charity handouts.

"Criminals in your prisons still get their basic needs. What about people who come here searching for safety?" he asks. "If they deny these things, do they want us to die? Or do they want us to break the law? When people see me sleeping in the stairway, they say 'Go home' or 'Get a job'. I can't do either."

Abdi is careful not to express any hostility towards the government for its policy, but Nibizi is angry. "You can remove people back to their home country, or you can keep them here. But you have to give people food. It is inhumane not to give people food. You cannot starve people out of the country," he says.

"Nowhere else is providing the kind of support [the Red Cross does]. Ten pounds is not enough to live on, but it can sustain them until someone else can help them. Our service is meant to be an emergency response, but the government is not dealing with them. We can't leave them to die outside."

Haile, 32 Ethiopia

These attitudes towards asylum seekers are on display among a group of 40 or so homeless people sheltering from the rain on the ground floor of a multi-storey car park in the city centre, waiting for soup and sandwiches to be distributed by volunteers from a Baptist church.

One tall, white man in his 40s is expressing loud anger about the decline of the country. A few years ago, he remarks, there would have been no foreigners queueing up at these soup kitchens. "It was just the English," he laments, adding that the outsiders should be sent home. "If they try to come back, their passports should be taken away and they should be sent to prison."

Haile, who has been living homeless in central Birmingham for five years, since being released from an immigration detention centre, does not respond. "He's always like that. He says, 'English first for food.' I don't pay any attention to him. He drinks," Haile says. On the whole, he avoids telling people about his background. "If they knew I was an asylum seeker," he says, gesturing to the group, made up mainly of local drug addicts, alcoholics and the mentally ill, "and that I don't have papers to be in this country, I think I would be dead now. I don't make friendships with anyone; I don't know who is good or bad."

He lives alone, in conditions similar to those we see in news reports highlighting the plight of survivors whose lives have been torn up by faraway natural disasters before the major aid agencies have arrived – no electricity, no shelter from the elements, no sanitation, no water, no food, no mattress etc.

For over a year now, he has been living in a fenced-off doorway, at the back of an expensive hotel in the city centre, by the entrance to a now defunct car park. Local authorities have tried to block the way in, erecting a sheet of chipboard marked "Trespassers will be prosecuted" over the gap he used to squeeze through. Now he has to climb a 10ft metal fence with flattened prongs at the top, and slide down on the other side, where there is a space in the old doorway, covered from the rain.

It has been raining a lot, so it is difficult to get over the fence which (since he is a little short) is over twice his height. He puts his trainers on two black-painted railings, legs apart, and tries pull himself up. There is a slipping noise of wet rubber from his shoes and he fails to get over. He slips down the railings and tries again. It is painful to watch.

"This is my sleeping bag, my table, bed, blanket," he says through the fence, once he has made it to the other side. "My toilet," he says, pointing to a dank corner. "My clothes," he adds, nodding towards a heap of crumpled clothes and shoes. Piles of rubbish have been thrown through the railings by passersby - McDonald's yellow polystyrene containers, Sprite and Quavers packets, KFC and Red Bull, cigarette packets.

Haile says he has rat problems and fox problems, but is upbeat about the place he has found. The difficulty of getting in gives him a sense of security once he is inside.

"Sometimes I look and think it's like a prison, it's like a cage. But no one can throw stones at me here," he says. "This is my mansion. I'm a rich man. I own this hotel. If you want a room, I'll rent it to you cheap, cheap."

The strain of living in these conditions has taken a toll and Haile is clearly struggling to cope with life. Immigration letters in brown envelopes (delivered to the Red Cross and passed on to him) lie strewn in between the clothes. Taken by his parents from Ethiopia to Tanzania as a baby, he came here as a stowaway on a boat in 2000. Several asylum applications have been refused, and he is under instructions to return to Tanzania. But he is not clear whether he would be accepted there, since it is not his original home. He has no capacity to get himself there, and one attempt to deport him forcibly was cancelled at the last moment several years ago, since when he has been left to forage for survival in central Birmingham.

"My life is wasted. My parents died. I don't have parents. I don't have a country. I don't feel like a human any more," he says.

A large proportion of failed asylum seekers have some kind of mental health problem, charities say, the result of the stress through which they are living. Haile probably needs some kind of medical help, but in his limbo status it is hard to access. "They live on paracetamol," Nibizi says. Last year, Haile broke an index finger but, alarmed by the questions he was asked when he went to casualty, left the hospital without getting it treated; the bone has mended but the finger no longer bends, and juts out at an awkward angle.

mimi ,33


One asylum seekers' worldly possessions


Sleeping on the streets, as Mimi puts it, is "not easy for ladies", so she has been sleeping on the floor of three Ethiopian families, two days here, two days there, for the last two months, since her asylum claim was refused. The families help her because they know she would otherwise be on the streets, but she can see she is a burden they cannot afford. Each morning she wakes up, dresses and gets ready to leave the house before she gets in the way, pausing at the doorway to see whether they will invite her to sleep another night.

"It's not easy living like this. It makes you go mad. It makes you want to kill yourself," she says.

She uses the £10 vouchers from the Red Cross to help contribute to the food supplies of the families that she visits; she has lost her own appetite, she says.

There are no night shelters that failed asylum seekers can go to in Birmingham (the Salvation Army hostel is not allowed to accept them), but the Red Cross has told her about a place in Coventry, 20 miles away, which offers emergency shelter to destitute migrants. She calls but there are only men staying at the centre, and the woman who runs the centre suggests it might be not be ideal for her. Mimi will continue sleeping on sofas.

The majority of destitute asylum seekers live in similar conditions, sharing rooms with other asylum seekers who are still receiving state support – housing and a basic weekly allowance – as their first asylum claim goes through. Because there are no accurate sources of data, it is impossible to know how many people are sleeping rough and how many on sofas.

"It is a hidden problem," says Penny Walker, who runs the night shelter in Coventry as part of a housing co-operative. "As a rule, they don't beg, they don't commit crime. These people try to remain invisible all day. They don't want to be loitering; they don't want anyone to see them and wonder whether they are about to rob them. There is this huge emptiness, huge uncertainty."

She regrets not being able to offer Mimi a space to sleep, but the living space at the housing co-operative she runs with fellow environmental and peace activists is already full. Between 14 and 16 destitute migrants arrive each night at 9pm, receive a hot meal and sleep together in one room, on camp beds lined up, side-by-side, about a foot between each bed. The atmosphere tonight is cheerful, but it isn't always. A few years ago, a failed asylum seeker gave up and hanged himself from a tree in the garden.

"They come here exhausted once they have run out of friends on whose floors they can sleep. Often they've been sleeping in friends' cars. They wouldn't come here unless they were desperate," says Walker.

"People think we should give asylum only to those who have a genuine need, not to those who have a so-called bogus claim," she says. "But what people don't understand is that the system is not fair. People don't flee their country unless they have a very good reason for doing so, and it is difficult to prove what happened to you unless you have scars from torture up your arms. The fact that you failed in your asylum claim does not mean that you are not a genuine asylum seeker."

Walker argues that their determination to remain in these conditions is a reflection of the seriousness of their difficulties at home.

"Who would choose this sort of life?" she asks. "Nobody."

Muhammad, 27 Somalia

Muhammad is unsmiling and guarded, very troubled by the 18 months he has been sleeping in Birmingham's parks. He came here in 2008, helped by an uncle who bought him a plane ticket to Heathrow, where he was immediately arrested. He claimed asylum, giving details of the murder of both his parents in 2006, shot dead by al-Shabab militants as they were minding their vegetable stall in the village market. The gunmen were raiding the stalls; when his parents tried to protect their stock of bananas and tomatoes, they were killed. His claim for asylum was refused 18 months ago. Shortly afterwards, he had to hand over the keys to the hostel where he was staying; that was the last time he had a shower or slept in a bed. He hopes to appeal against the decision but has not yet managed to put together a new case.

Everything he owns he carries in his backpack – one shirt, one sheet, one T-shirt, one pair of shorts, two heavy files of documents relating to his case, letters, photographs. He sleeps with his head on the bag to be sure it is never stolen. He doesn't have a sleeping bag, so he relies instead on old cardboard boxes as protection against the wind.

He speaks almost no English, but explains through the translator that he has learned to understand "Move" and "Back home" from the refuse collectors who sometimes find him still asleep by the hedge or at the edge of the outdoors baseball court, where he usually spends the night. Sometimes some west Africans sleep there too, but he can't speak to them, because they have no common language. He admits he has become very lonely. Another Somalian whom he met occasionally at the Red Cross recently disappeared, leaving his cardboard boxes behind. Muhammad wonders if he was taken to a detention centre but is not sure.

With his Morrison's vouchers he has bought a pot of Nutella (£1.21), a long baguette (60p) and a bottle of Highland Spring water (78p), because he has no access to a tap. He will cut the baguette into small sections and that way it should last for three days, when he will return and spend the second £5 voucher.

"My ambition is to live in peace. My ambition is to get peace. I would like to work and contribute to the community where I live, which I cannot do now. There is no peace in Somalia."

He is not optimistic that an appeal to the Home Office would succeed. "The last letter they sent me, they said I should go back to Somalia. I will be killed in Somalia."

All names have been changed.

• This article was amended on 16 June 2010. The word straitened was mis-spelt in the original. This has now been corrected.

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