BAHIR DAR, Apr 17 2017 (IPS) – As dawn breaks in Bahir Dar, men prepare boats beside Lake Tana to take to its island monasteries the tourists that are starting to return.

Meanwhile, traffic flows across the same bridge spanning the Blue Nile that six months ago was crossed by a huge but peaceful protest march.

But only a mile farther the march ended in the shooting of unarmed protesters by security forces, leaving Bahir Dar stunned for months.

Events last August in the prominent Amhara cities of Bahir Dar (the region’s capital) and Gonder (the former historical seat of Ethiopian rule) signalled the spreading of the original Oromo protests to Ethiopia’s second most populace region.

By October 9, following further disasters and unrest, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front party declared a six-month state of emergency, which was extended at the end of this March for another four months.

On the surface, the state of emergency’s measures including arbitrary arrests, curfews, bans on public assembly, and media and Internet restrictions appear to have been successful in Amhara.

Now shops are open and streets are busy, following months when the cities were flooded with military personal, and everyday life ground to a halt as locals closed shops and businesses in a gesture of passive resistance.

Speaking to residents, however, it’s clear discontent hasn’t abated. Frustrations have grown for many due to what’s deemed gross governmental oppression. But almost everyone agrees that for now, with the state of emergency in place, there’s not much more they can do.

“Now it’s the fasting period before Easter, so people are praying even more and saying: Where are you God? Did you forget this land?” says Stefanos, who works in Gonder’s tourism industry, and didn’t want to give his name due to fear of arrest by the Command Post, the administrative body coordinating the state of emergency.

“Because people can’t protest, they are praying harder than ever.”

The four-month extension to the state of emergency contains less sweeping powers than before. Now police need warrants to arrest suspects or search their homes, and detention without trial has officially been ended. But grievances remain about what happened before.

“Someone will come and say they are with the Command Post and just tell you to go with them—you have no option but to obey,” Dawit, working in Gonder’s tourism industry, says of hundreds of locals arrested. “No one has any insurance of life.”

Locals recall how if young men gathered in too large a group they risked getting arrested.

“The regime has imprisoned, tortured and abused 20, 000-plus young people and killed hundreds more in order to restore a semblance of order,” says Alemante Selassie, emeritus law professor at the College of William & Mary and Ethiopia analyst. “Repression is the least effective means of creating real order in any society where there is a fundamental breach of trust between people and their rulers.”

Across Gondar, many unemployed men seek distraction by chewing the plant khat, a stimulant that motivates animated conversation about security force abuses and the dire local economic situation.

“If you kill your own people how are you a soldier—you are a terrorist,” says 32-year old Tesfaye, chomping on khat leaves. “I became a soldier to protect my people. This government has forgotten me since I left after seven years fighting in Somalia. I’ve been trying to get a job here for five months.”

Beyond such revulsion and frustration, some claim the state of emergency has had other psychological impacts.

“Continued fear and distrust of the [ruling] regime by the Ethiopian people,” says Tewodrose Tirfe of the Amhara Association of America. “Continued loss of hope for a better form a government where basic human rights of the Ethiopians are respected.”

For many the memories of what happened during protests last summer are still raw, especially for Bahir Dar residents.

Tens of thousands gathered in Bahir Dar’s centre on August 7 before marching along the main northeast-running road out of the city toward the Blue Nile River, carrying palm tree leaves and other greenery as symbols of peace.

After crossing the bridge there are various versions about what happened next.

Some say a protester attempted to replace Ethiopia’s current federal national flag flying outside a government building with the older, pan-Ethiopian nationalistic flag—now banned in Amhara—an argument ensued and the guard shot the protester.

Others say that protesters threw stones at the building—the guard fired warning shots in the air—then protesters tried entering the compound—the guard fired at them.

But there is less uncertainly about what happened next.

“Security forces suddenly emerged from buildings and shot into the march for no reason,” says an Ethiopian priest, who spoke on condition of anonymity. “They were waiting for an excuse to shoot.”

It’s estimated 27 died that day, the death toll rising to 52 by the end of the week. A total of 227 civilians have died during unrest in the Amhara region, according to government figures, while others claim it’s much higher.

“Two people on my right side dropped dead,” says 23-year-old Haile, marching that day. “One had been shot in the head, one in the heart.”

Such violence was unprecedented for Bahir Dar, a popular tourist location, known for its tranquil lake and laid-back atmosphere.

“The city went into shock for months,” says the Ethiopian priest.

But as the months have passed, normal daily life has gradually reasserted itself.

“People are tired of the trouble and want to get on with their lives,” says Tesfaye, a tour operator. “But, then again, in a couple of years, who knows.”

Many criticise the government for failing to address long-term structural frictions between Ethiopia’s proclaimed federal constitution and an actual centralist developmental state model, as well as failing to resolve—with some saying it actively stokes—increasing ethnic tensions.

“Three years ago I went to university and no one cared where you were from,” says Haile, a telecommunication engineer in Bahir Dar. “Now Amhara and Tigray students are fighting with each other.”

“Federalism is good and bad,” says Haile’s friend Joseph, who is half Tigrayan and half Amhara. “Ethiopia has all these different groups proud of their languages and cultures. But [on the other hand] even though my father is Tigray, I can’t go and work in Tigray because I don’t speak Tigrayan.”

Joseph pauses to consider, before continuing.

“This government has kept the country together, if they disappeared we would be like Somalia,” he says. “All the opposition does is protest, protest, they can’t do anything else.”

Finding such a view in Gonder is much harder.

“The government has a chance for peace but they don’t have the mental skills to achieve it,” says tourist guide Teklemariam. “If protests happen again they will be worse.”

The main road between Gonder and Bahir Dar winds up and down steep hillsides, surrounded by mountains, cliffs and tight valleys stretching to the horizon.

Ethiopia’s vertiginous topography has challenged foreign invaders for centuries. But it’s potentially a headache for domestic rulers too, added to which militarism is a traditional virtue in the Amhara region.

In Gonder, men talk admiringly of an Amhara resistance movement which conducted hit-and-run attacks on soldiers when they occupied the city, before withdrawing into the surrounding mountains.

“The farmers are ready to die for their land,” the Ethiopian priest says. “It’s all they have known, they have never been away from here.”

According to Gonder locals, armed farmers have been fighting Ethiopian security forces for months.

“I saw dozens of soldiers at Gonder’s hospital with bullet and knife wounds,” says Henok, a student nurse, who took part in the protests. “The government controls the urban but not the rural areas.”

Young men like Henok talk passionately of Colonel Demeke Zewudud, a key member of Amhara resistance arrested by the government in 2016, and even more so about Gobe Malke, one of the leaders of the farmer insurrection until he was killed this February, allegedly at the hands of his cousin in the government’s payroll.

“If the government wants a true and real form of stabilization, then it should allow for a true representative form of governance so all people have the representation they need and deserve,” Tewodrose says.

“But the concern of the TPLF is the perception from the international community, so they can continue to receive and misuse foreign aid.”

In his role with the Amhara Association of America, Tewodrose presented a report to a U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs hearing March 9 about “Democracy Under Threat in Ethiopia”. The report also detailed 500 security forces killed during fighting in Amhara—Gonder locals claim many more.

“Before I die I just want to see Ethiopia growing peacefully and not divided by tribes,” says 65-year-old grandmother Indeshash, housebound in Gonder due to ongoing leg problems. “If my legs worked I would have protested.”

Source: IPSNews

The post “We Can’t Protest So We Pray”: Anguish in Amhara During Ethiopia’s State of Emergency appeared first on De Birhan.

South African literary icon and Pan-Africanist, Peter Henry Abrahams, died in his adopted home of Jamaica on January 18 2017. He was 97. The author of some 12 novels, Abrahams was also a stalwart in the anti-colonial struggles dating back to the 1940s. Until the end he remained an acerbic and incisive commentator on global and Pan-African affairs.

He was born to an Ethiopian father and a mixed race South African mother in Vrededorp, a suburb in Johannesburg, South Africa. As a 20-year-old, Abrahams left his birthplace in 1939 after running into trouble with racist police and authorities in his deprived settlement. After an eventful journey by ship, troubled by hostilities during World War 2, he eventually arrived and settled in London, England. There he began a career of activism as a left wing journalist and Pan-Africanist in the 1940s.

Peter, with a natural storytelling talent, had learned writing skills from his mother and from religious mentors who rescued him from further trouble as a militant youth in Vrededorp. These skills and talents were to serve him well during his exile in London and later in Jamaica, where he settled in 1956 with his second wife Daphne.

First novel

While in London during his early literary pursuits his first novel, “Dark Testament”, was published in 1942. His second book “Song of the City”, published three years later, confirmed him as being among the first successful black South African writers being published in Europe and the West.

The cover of ‘Mine Boy’.

His already prolific writing career next saw the publication of the semi-autobiographical and seminal book “Mine Boy” in 1946. It charted the travails of a country youth seeking to survive in the frightening and oppressive environs of big city Johannesburg.

With “Mine Boy” Abrahams became the first author to bring the horrific reality of South Africa’s apartheid system of racial discrimination to international attention. Published two years before Alan Paton’s acclaimed “Cry, The Beloved Country”, which also exposed the tragedy of apartheid, “Mine Boy” was also significant because it made Abrahams one of the first black South African authors to become financially successful. With over a dozen books and countless newspaper and magazine articles published, Abrahams has since become established as an authority on the problems of race not only in South Africa, but in the world.

Several other novels were to follow in London, even as Abrahams became more and more engaged in the anti-colonial struggles of the time. He interacted with other political activists such as Jomo Kenyatta, Seretse Khama, Kenneth Kaunda, Julius Nyerere and Kwame Nkrumah. Those names now resonate as leaders of the legendary generation of anti-colonial, Pan-African activists who led their respective African countries to political independence.

At this time, his South African compatriots under the leadership of Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu and others persevered politically (and in some cases militarily) in the struggle against apartheid. For his part, Abrahams waged a war by wielding a mighty pen. He brought the unfolding racist atrocities in South Africa to the attention of the wider world. This he did through an ever-expanding body of compelling political and literary works, as well as through his intellectual activism.

He played an important role, alongside journalist and Pan Africanist George Padmore of Trinidad and Tobago, American intellectual and activist WEB Du Bois and others, in organising the Fifth Pan-African Congress. Held in Manchester, England in October 1945, the congress was regarded as a unifying event in the multifaceted, disparate, colonial struggle of the time. Abrahams was among the representatives of the African National Congress (ANC). He was elected as chairperson of the movement’s publicity committee, alongside a young Nkrumah.

Jamaican independence

By 1956, he accepted an invitation from Norman Manley, Premier of Jamaica and leader of the Jamaican independence movement, to provide advice and editorial services in Jamaica and the Caribbean. He soon acquired a hilltop property overlooking the city of Kingston, a home he called Coyaba.

Abrahams became prominent as journalist and radio commentator in Jamaica. He also continued his career as a novelist. Acclaimed books penned in Jamaica were released globally. These included such widely respected works as “The View from Coyaba” (1985) and his memoir “The Coyaba Chronicles: Reflections on the Black Experience in the 20th Century” (2000).

Abrahams was to serve Manley’s younger son, Prime Minister Michael Manley, in the historic social restructuring of the 1970s. This included the engagement of Abrahams as the principal advisor in the government takeover and reform of Jamaica’s leading radio network, Radio Jamaica, from the British Rediffusion Group.

Responding to question I posed to Abrahams in a July 2004 interview, he defended a new model of media ownership he had developed.

He (Michael Manley) wasn’t quite sure what the model was but he knew it had to be ‘people-based’. So he called me and we had a long session. What the Re-diffusion was saying to him was, ‘all right, you take it over but give us a management contract and so much per annum’. So they would be getting their money anyway. I said to him I don’t think you need to give them a management contract. I am convinced that there are enough Jamaicans who can run this thing without a management contract.

His model succeeded and is among the seminal achievements in Jamaica of this 5ft 6in (1.52m) giant of an intellectual, activist and author.

His passing cannot erase the phenomenal contributions he made to the anti-colonial struggles in Africa and the Caribbean, his scholarly eminence and his seminal leadership of media reform and commentary in Jamaica.

The post Tribute to an Ethiopian-South African Activist: Peter Abrahams appeared first on De Birhan.

ይህ ጽሑፍም በስዊድን የመቶ ሃያ አንደኛው ዓመት የአድዋን ድል ለመዘከር እ. ኤ. አ. ማርች አምስት (፭) ቀን (፪) ሁለት ሺህ አስራ ሰባት (፲፯) ዓ. ም. በነበረው ዝግጅት ላይ ፕሮፌሰር ተከስተ ነጋሽ ያደረጉት ንግግር፣ ስንትና ስንት ሕይወት የተከፈለበትን የአድዋን ድል በዕድል ነው የተገኘው ማለታቸው ከአንድ አፍሪካዊ የሚጠበቅ ነው? ለምንስ ንግግራቸው ከቀድሞው የደቡብ አፍሪካ መሪ ከሚስተር ታቦ ምቤኪና ከፕሮፌሰር ዮናስ ሬይሞንድ ተቃራኒ ሆነ? ፕሮፌሰር ማሞ ሙጬንና ታቦ ምቤኪን በማገናኘት የሰጡት የግል አስተያየትስ የጓደኛቸው የፕሮፌሰር ማሞን ጥልቅ የምርምር ጽሁፎችና አፍሪካዊ ስራዎች ያንጸባረቀ ትክክለኛ መረጃ ነው? መረጃቸውና ንግግራቸውስ አነጋጋሪ ሆኖ “ሶስቱንም አጣጣሉ” ተብለውስ ለምን ስማቸው እንዲነሳ አደረገ? የምኒልክን ባህርይ የሚጻረር በመናገራቸውም ‘እምዬ ምኒልክ ወላዋይ ነበሩ ወይ?’2 ብለው ወለላዬ የተባሉ ጸሐፊ በኢትዮሚድያ ድህረ ገጽ ላይ እንዲጠይቁ ስላነሳሳቸው ይህን ጥያቄ የታሪክ ባለሙያዎች በአግባቡ
እንደሚመልሱት በመተማመን በዚህ ጽሑፍ ለጊዜው ከታላቁ የአፍሪካውያን ድል አንጻር ለመዳሰስ እንሞክራለን።

ሙሉውን ፅሁፍ ለማንበብ እዚህ ይጫኑ: አንደኛው ዓመት የአድዋ ድል መዘክር

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We’ve all heard about the “Koshe” accident. It brought up such a sadness, so many have lost their lives and the survivors have lost so many of their loved ones. Our city is in such a loss, yet, the city is as lively as always, people still celebrate, drink, feast and dance to their days, either to ease their disappointment or to cheer for a good day. One thing, the city has moved on already. It’s just news, just like every other sad news that come and go every now and then.

What makes this different is that it shattered the partition that has been keeping the city life most people think is what life looks like these days from the life that we think don’t exist. It’s a whole other introduction, to the other side of life most of us aren’t even thankful for.

“Koshe”, is a place where the whole neighborhood is one large family. From our interview with Zemed, the girl who has lost her mother along seven other family members. We have come to learn about life we have never even thought of. Well, our movies, music videos, and TV shows are all busy writing stories with an image which we might as well call a fantasy, or an escape, sneak peak so far from home, basically lies to tell ourselves and others. We have been well brainwashed enough to think Addis Ababa along the people have come to a point where most people lead a decent life if not an accomplished one, and none of us ever bothered to stop and think if there might be a whole other part of the city life.

Growing up, most of us have had decent meals on the table, been sent to a good school well dressed, served, not worrying about what tomorrow may have in store for us. We have taken what we were fortunate to have for granted. But again, our interview with Zemed tells another childhood.

Here’s a bit about Zemed and the ones that have lost their lives.

Zemed is now a principal of a private school. She got her first degree from Kotebe University College in English Language now working on her Master’s degree in Journalism at Addis Ababa University. She said everyone is surprised with the fact she managed to get where she is now with all the struggles they had growing up. Back in the days, there were morning shifts and afternoon shifts, whenever they weren’t at school they spend their days at “koshe”. When she was in the 8th grade, there were times she went to school with bare feet because her mother couldn’t afford it. She had help from organizations where she gets school materials once in a year. Her mother she has lost now used to sell “Areqe” and “Injera” to support the family. She grew through that struggle to get where she is now, and by the time she had so many plans for her mother, she lost her.

Zemed has a sister in 12th grade now about to take the entrance exam, with all the situation she fears she might not be able to make it but she vows to help her sister in all ways she could.

The other one is Meselu; it has only been three days since she gave birth when the slide accident happened. Meselu was an Amharic teacher at Biruh Tesfa Primary school.

All her life she strived to make hers and other peoples’ lives better, she highly valued education. But growing up, even when she was at elementary school she used to sell vegetables for a lower price, and when she was in college, she used to work as a waitress. It’s through all that she succeeded. She didn’t stop with herself, though, as she believed in getting an education, she brought her sister Kidist from the countryside where she could get that education. Yet, her dreams were taken away from her way too soon.

Zemed walked us through the lost lives that’s hard to say they have lived at all to lose. Minayehu Beyene is another one. He sacrificed all his dreams so that he could give his brothers and sisters a life he can’t afford to live. Their mother died when they were only kids, and since their father was too weak to work, he quit school so he could work instead. He used to sell sticks traveling all way from Sebeta to Shiromeda. Through that, he helped his brothers and sisters get the right education and the youngest managed to get in RIES Engineering as a technician.

These are just a few of the many stories, some of the many people who have had it alike if not worse. They lost their dreams way too soon, and nothing has changed, everyone moved on, just like all the other sad news that come and go.

If death knocks on our doors today, most of us had lives worth living. And we would just be leaving all that behind. But they had nothing worth leaving behind; they were still on the run to build that life. A life well lived to lose.

Whatever happened, with all that’s lost is lost, what we can do take our blindfolds and help those who’re left behind. There are kids who could use a lot of support to at least get a decent meal, uniforms and to go to school. There are mothers who are killing themselves with hard work so their children could live. There are a lot of families out there who could use our help. None of us are too poor to share what we have. Yet we all are busy living our average if not the good life. There is a whole other part of life we know. Sometimes we should bother to look around.

We can’t bring the lost ones back, but we can give the rest a better life worth living while they are still alive.

Source: Addis Insight

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በተድላ ደ. ተክሌ

19-3-2017

እንደ ፈረንጆቹ አቆጣጠር ማርች 17, 2017 በኢትዮሚድያ ድህረ ገፅ ላይ በወጣ ፅሁፍ ላይ ወለላዬ ከስዊድን የተባሉት ፀሀፊ “እምዬ ምኒልክ ወላዋይ ነበሩ ወይ?” ሲሉ አበክረው ይጠይቃሉ። በፅሁፉ መሃልም ወለላዬ ጋዜጠኞችና ተመራማሪዎች የትናቹ ፤ ዝም አትበሉ ሲሉ ይማፀናሉ። የጥሪያቸው ምክንያትም የስዊድን ሶሻል ዴሞክራት ተቀጥላ የሆነው የኢትዮጵያ ሶሻል ዴሞክራት ማኅበር የአድዋን ድል በዓል ምክንያት በማድረግ ባዘጋጀው ዝግጅት ላይ የመጨረሻው ተናጋሪ ያደረጉት ንግግር ነበር። እኝህ ሶስተኛ ተናጋሪ ፕሮፌሰር ተከስተ ነጋሽ ይባላሉ። በድህረ ገፅ ላይ የሚገኝ መረጃ እንደሚያሳየው ፕሮፌሰር ተከስተ አስመራ ኤርትራ የተወለዱ ብዙውን ዘመናቸውን ደግሞ ስዊድን ውስጥ በታሪክ መምህርነትና ፀሀፊነት የሰሩ ሰው ናቸው። ብዙዎቹ የጥናት ፅሁፎቻቸውም በኤርትራ የቅኝ ግዛት ታሪክ ላይ ያተኮሩ ናቸው። አድዋን በተመለከተም እንደ አውሮፓውያን አቆጣጠር በዐስራ ዘጠኝ ዘጠና ስምንት አ.ም. ካበረከቱት “አደዋና የኤርትራ ታሪክ የተወሰኑ የግዜ አቀማመጥ ጉዳዮች” ከሚል  የመፀሀፍ ምእራፍ በቀር የሰሩት ጥናት እንደሌለ የግል የህትመት መሃደራቸው ያሳያል። ይህ ፅሁፍ በተከስተ የሂወት ታሪክ ላይ፣ ብሔርና ማንነት ወይም ግለሰባዊ ባህሪያት ላይ ያተኮረ አደለም። ትኩረቱ በቅርቡ ስለአደዋና አፄ ምኒልክ ያደረጉት ትንታኔ ነው።

መቶ ሃያአንደኛው የዐደዋ የድል በዐል በዐለም ላይ በድምቀት ተከብሯል። ሲከበርም የማያጠራጥረው ታላቁ የአፍሪካውያን ድል መሆኑ ታምኖበት ነው። ዐደዋ አፍሪካን አሸናፊና የሚኮራባት እንጂ ተጎጂና ማፈሪያ አላደረጋትም። ዐደዋ እንዲያውም ብዙ ፈረንጆችና ኣፍሪካውያን እንደኛ ያሸነፉበትን ሳይሆን ከቅኝ መገዛት ነፃ የወጡባቸውን ቀናቶች ከሚያከብሩበት መጠን በታች ነው እያከበርን ያለነው። ከዚህም በላይ ሞቅ ደመቅ ማለት አለበት።

በወለላዬ ላይ ተጨማሪ ሃሳብ

እንደ ወለላዬ ፅሁፍ ከሆነ ተከስተን በዝግጅቱ ላይ ግርምት ከፈጠሩባቸው ነገሮች አንዱ ከፕሮፌሰር ዮናስ ሬይሞንድና የቀድሞው የደቡብ አፍሪካ ፕሬዝዳንት ሚስተር ታቦ ምቤኪ ስለአድዋ ከዳረጓቸው የቆዩ በቪዲዮ የተቀረፁ የቃለመጠይቅና የመድረክ ንግግር በሁዋላ እንዲናገሩ መደረጋቸው ነው። ይሔ ምኑ ያስገርማል? ግራስ ያጋባል? ይህን ነጥብ እንተውና ስለ ትልቁ ጉዳይ እንነጋገር።

ወለላዬን እርስ በርስ የሚጣረስ ምሁራዊ ያልሆነውን የተከስተን ንግግር እንዲህ ቀድቶታል “እኔ ያለኝ ወይም የማውቀው የአድዋ በዓል ታሪክ ከነሱ የተለየ ሲሆን፣ በተለይ ደግሞ ምቤኪ ከኔ ጓደኛ ከማሞ ሙጨ ደቡብ አፍሪካ ውስጥ ያጠናውን ይዞ ነው የቀረበው” ብለዋል። “ምቤኪ ከማሞ ሙጨ የተማረውን በትክክክል ይዞ ማስተላለፍ ችሏል፤ ከኔ ቢማር ደግሞ የበለጠ እውነተኛ ታሪክ ማወቅ በቻለ ነበር”

ይህችን ቅንጭብ ጥቅስ እስቲ በታትነን እንመልከታት። ተከስተ በመጀመሪያ “እኔ ያለኝ ወይም የማውቀው” በማለት ሃሳባቸውን ይከፍታሉ። እነዚህ ጥሩ የሆነ ምሁራዊ የመሐበረሰብ ሳይንስ አጥኚ የተለመደ አስተያየት ማቅረቢያ ቃላት ናቸው። ሁላችንም እኛ የምናቀውን እስከማውቀው ወይም እስከምረዳው ድረስ ብለን እንጀምራላን እንጂ ሀቁ ይሄና የኔ ብቻ ነው ብለን አንጀምርም። ነግር ግን ጥሩ የጀመሩትን ሃሳብ ፕሮፌሰር ተከስተ ወዲያው በመደምደሚያቸው ላይ “ከኔ ቢማር ደግሞ የበለጠ እውነተኛ ታሪክ ማወቅ በቻለ ነበር“ ብለው ያበላሹታል። የሳቸውን የታሪክ አረዳድ “የበለጠ እውነተኛ ታሪክ“ የሚያደርገው ምንድን ነው? እንዴትሥ ደግሞ አንድ ፕሮፌሰር እኔ የተሻልኩ እውነት አዋቂ ነኝ ብሎ ይናገራል?

ሌላው ትልቁ የተከስተ ሃሳብ ውስጥ የሚታየው ያልተጣራ ድምዳሜና ጥፋት ሜቤኪን የማያነቡ የማይመራመሩ አድርገው ማቅረባቸው ነው። ምን ያህል አፍሪካውያን ስለኢትዮጲያ ታሪክ ከኛ በበለጠ እንደሚያነቡና እንደሚያቁ ዘንግተወት ነው ወይስ? ሚቤኪ ደሞ ከምሁር አፍሪካውያን መሪዎች አንዱ ነው። ከፕሮፌሰር ማሞስ ተምረውት ቢሆን ይህ የሚያኮራአደለም እንዴ? ፕሮፌሰር ማሞ ሙጬ ዘርፈ ብዙ የሆኑ የትምህርት የማስተማርና የምርምር ስራዎችን የሰሩ የሚያኮራ : ወግንንም የሚያስከብር በዙ ስራ የሰሩ ሊቅ ናቸው።

እንደ ወለላዬ ዘገባ  ፕሮፌሰር ተከስተ አደዋን በተመለከተ እሳቸው እንደሚገነዘቡትና ወደጣሊያን የተላለፉ መልክቶች አስተማማኝ መረጃ መሆናቸውን ገልፀው የሚከተሉትን ድምዳሜዎች አስቀምጠዋል።

የአፄ ምኒልክን የአመራር ደካማነት፣ የተላበሱትም ዝና ከሠሩት በላይ የተጋነነ ስለመሆኑ፤ ራስ መኮንንም ከአፄ ምኒልክ የተሻሉ እንዳልነበሩ፤ እቴጌ ጣይቱ አርቆ አስተዋይ እንደነበሩ፣ ነገሮችን የመፍታት ብቃታቸው ጠንካራ እንደነበር፤ በጦርነቱም ጊዜ የሳቸው (የቴጌ ጣይቱ) ብልህ አመራር ባይኖር የጦርነቱ ሁኔታ አሁን የያዘውን መልክ ይለወጥ እንደነበር፣ ይህንንም ሊረዱ የቻሉት ከኢትዮጵያ ወደጣሊያን በዚሁ ጉዳይ የተላለፉ መልክቶች በመኖራቸውና ያም አስተማማኝ መረጃ ስለመሆኑ፤ የአድዋ ድል በዕድል ወይም በአጋጣሚ የተገኘ ድል ስለሆነ፤ ይሄን ያህል መጋነን እንደማይገባው፤የተገኘው የድል ትርፍም እጅግ ጎልቶና ተጋኖ የተነገረለት እንደሆነ፤ በወቅቱ ከነበሩ ኢትዮጵያዊ የታሪክ ጸሐፊዎች ይልቅ እውነተኛውና ትክክለኛው ታሪክ ሰፍሮ የሚገኘው በጣሊያን ታሪክ ጸሐፊዎች እንደሆነ፤ የነሱን ጽሁፍ ያላካተተ ታሪክ ዕውነተኛነቱ የሚያጠራጥር እንደሆነ፣ በአበሻው የሚነገረው ታሪክ በቃል ካንዱ ወዳንዱ የተላለፉ መረጃ የጎደላቸው ናቸው የሚሉ ነበሩ።

ከላይ ተቀንጭቦ ከተወሰደው የወለላዬ ዘገባ መመልከት እንደምንችለው፣ ሶስት ነገሮችን መረዳት ይቻላል። ምኒልክን የማኮሰስ፤ የኢትዮጲያ ፀሃፍትናን መረጃዎችን ከጣልያናውያን አሳንሶ ማየትና የዐደዋ ድልን ዝቅ አድርጎ ማቅረብ። ይህን መሰል ፅሁፎችና አስተሳሰቦች ሲቀርቡ የመጀመሪያቸው አደለም። ይህን ምን አልባት ለየት የሚያረገው በታሪክ ምሁር መቅረቡና አቀራረቡም ሳይንሳዊ አለመሆኑ ነው። መጀመሪያ አፄ ምኒልክን ደካማ መሪ ብሎ የሚደመድም የታሪክ ምሁር በተለይም አድዋን በተመለከታ : ተከስተ ከመጀመሪያዎቹ መሆን አለባቸው። በሁለት ምክኒያት አንደኛ አደዋ የምኒልክን ደካማ አለመሆን ያስመሰከረ ድል መሆኑ : ሁለተኛው ደሞ “ደካማ” የሚል ድምዳሜ (claim) ማድረጋቸው ነው። አንድ የሶሻል ሳይንቲስት ማንኛውንም አይነት ክሌም በቀላሉ አያደርግም: ካደረገም በቅንፍ ያንን ትልቁን ቃል ያገኘበትን ቦታ ጠቅሶ ነው። ብዙ የታሪክ ፀሃፊዎች ታርክን እንደትረካ ይፅፉታል ከዛም የራሳቸውን ትንታኔ ፅፈው ይደመድማሉ። ከዐፈ ታሪክ ውጭ በፅሁፍ የተገኘ ታሪክ ቋንቋ ነው።ቋንቋ ደግሞ የቋንቋ ጥናት ስልቶችን የተከተለ ጥናት ያስፈልገዋል። እናም በጣም አግዝፈውና አክብረው ካመሰገኗቸው የጣልያን ፀሃፍት መሃከል ስንቱን የታሪክ የጥናት ስልት ብቻ ሳይሆን የቋንቋ የጥናት ስልትን ተጠቅመው አጠኑ? አንዱ የጥናት መንገድ ለምሳሌ ዲስኮርስ አናሊሲስ (Discourse Analysis) ይባላል። ይህ ስልት ወቅቶችንና ፅሁፎችን በዘመኑ፤ በባህሉ፤ በፀሃፊው ግላሰብና ድርጅት፤ በስዋሰው፤ በዐይዲዎሎጂና በቅኔያዊ የቋንቋ አረዳድ፤ትንታኔና አፈታት በመታገዝ ታሪክን ይረዳል። ይህ በብዙ የታሪክ ነክ ፅሁፎቻችን ውስጥ ጎሎ ይታያል። ለምሳሌ አፄ ምኒልክን የጣሊያን ጋዜጦች እንዴት አድርገው ነበር በአደዋ ጦርነት ወቅት የገመገሟቸው የሚል የምርምር ጥያቄ ብናነሳ መጀመሪያ የዛን ግዜ ጋዜጦችን መሰብሰብ፤ ስለሳቸው የፃፉትን ሰብስቦ መረዳት ከዛም  የቋንቋና የጥናት መንገዶችን በመጠቀም መርምሮ ድምዳሜ ላይ መድረስ ይቻላል። በዛን ወቅት ከነበሩት የጣልያን መዛግብቶች ስለ ሚንልክም ሆነ ስለሃገራችን ሙገሳን መጠበቅ ሞኝነት ነው።

በግሌ ለምሳሌ ወደ መቶ የሚደርሱ ስለ አፄ ምኒልክ በዐደዋ ጦርነት ወቅት የታተሙ ጋዜጦችን አጥንቼ ነበር። አብዛኞቹ የጋዜጦቹ ፀሀፍት በሰሜኑ የኢትዮጲያ ክፍል ከጣልያን ወታደሮች ጋር የነበሩ ጣሊያንናውያን ናቸው። አልያም የአሜሪካን ጋዜጦች ዘገባዎቹን የወሰዱት ከጣሊያን ሚዲያዎች ላይ ነበር። የጥናት ውጤቱ እንደሚያሳየው ብዙዎቹ ዘገባዎችና ሀታተዎች ምኒልክንና ኢትዮጲያን በቅኝ ገዥ ልቦና፤ በዘረኝነትና በዝቅተኝነት የሚመለከቱና የተነተኑ ነበሩ። ይሄ ግን ሊግርም አይገባም። ምክኒያቱም ሊገዙ የመጡ ሃይሎች ናቸው። ብሎም የምእራባውያን ሚዲያ አፍሪካን ከዚህ በተለየ ተመልክቶና ዘግቦ እሚያቅ ከሆነ በጣም ጥቂት ነው። ይህን ይዞ የሚከራከር ምሁር ካለ ይሔ ችግር ነው። ምክኒያቱም እነዚህ ዘገባች ራሳቸው ውስብስብ የሆነ የቋንቋ ጥናት (Critical Discourse Analysis) ያስፈልጋቸዋል። ምኒልክ ድል ካደረጉ በዃላ ግን ጋዜጦቹ ወዲያው ስለምኒልክም ስለጥቁር ህዝብ ያላቸው የዘገባ ቃና ተለውጧል።  ነገር ግን እነዚህ ጋዜጦች ምኒልክን ለማኮሰስ ከተጠቀሙባቻው ቃላት መካከል በፍፁም የማይገኘው ደካማ  እሚለው ነው።

እቴጌ ጣይቱንም በተመለከተ የወጡ ዘገባዎች በጥናቱ ውስጥ ተካተዋል። ብዙዎቹ ፅሁፎች የንግስቲቱን ውበትና ዝና ያሞካሹ ነበሩ። በአደዋ ድልም ላይ ስላላቸው ተሳትፎ አጉልተው ዘግበዋል። ተከስተም ብዙ አለተሳሳቱም። ነገር ግን ምኒልክን አኮሰስኩ ብለው ይልቁንም አገዘፏቸው እንጂ። የቱኛው ንጉስ ነው ሚስቱን የሚሳማ፤ የቱ ንጉስ ነው ሚስቱን ውጊያ እንድትመራ ያደረገ፤ የቱ ንጉስ ነው ለቤተሰቡም ለሃገሩም ለጠላቱም የሴትን እኩልነት በተግባር ያሳየ፤ ለዛውም በዚያ ዘመን? ባልና ሚስት ተደጋጋፊ ናቸው የምኒልክ ድል የጣይቱ እጅ አለበት የጣይቱም ልእልና ውስጥ የምኒልክ እጅ አለ። ባልና ሚስትን አሳንሶ በማቅረብ የሚነሳ ክርክርም ሆነ ፅሁፍ መንደራዊ ነው።

ሌለው “ጦርነቱን ኢትዮጵያ ያሸነፈችው በዕድል ነው። የተገኘውም ዕድል አንዱ የጣይቱ በዛን ዘመን ላይ መገኘት፤ ሁለተኛው ደግሞ የጣሊያን ሠራዊት ባወጣው እቅድ መሰረት አለመገናኘቱ ነው” የሚለው የፕሮፌሰር ተከስተ ድምዳሜ ግን ብዙም ጠለቅ ያለ ምላሽ የማያስፈልገው ማንኛውም ስለ ጦርነት ያነበበ የነገሮችን ወይም የሲስተምስ ኮምፕሌክሲቲን የሚረዳ ሰው ፈገግ ብሎ የሚያልፈው ነው።

ምኒልክ ታላቅ ባይሆኑማ የፈረንሳይ ሽቶዎች፤ የብራዚል ጋዜጦች፤ የአፍሪካ መንገዶችና ሌሎችም በሳቸው ባልተሰየሙ። በ1906 የወጣው ዋሽንግተን ታየምስ ምኒልክ ከሁሉም ነገስታት በላይ ዲሞክራቲኩ ባላሏቸው ነበር። የምንኒልክን ደካማ አለመሆን እንዲሁም ወላዋይ አለመሆን ለማስረዳት ሌላ ዙር ጥልቀት ያለው ፅሁፍ መፃፍ ያስፈልጋል።

በመጨረሻም በአሁኑ ወቅት ታርክን በመረጃ አስደግፎ እውነትን ፍለጋ የሚደረግ ምሁራዊ የሃሳቦች ክርክር በጣም አሰልችና አድካሚ እየሆነ መጥቷል። ምክንያቱም ምሁሩም፤ ፖለቲከኛው፤ ታዛቢውም ታሪክን እየተነተኑ ያሉት ከእያንድአንዳቸው የብሄር፤ የሃይማኖትና የፖለቲካ መሰረት አንፃር በመሆኑ። ይሄ ደግሞ ክርክሩንና ውይይቱን አዙሪት፤ ተከራካሪውን ደግሞ “አውቆ የተኛን ቢቀሰቅሱት …”ያደርገዋል።

ፀሃፊውን በዚህ አድራሻ ማግኘት ይቻላል: tedlad28@gmail.com

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[Trump has not only hurt US relations with the Muslim world, but he has also upset the US’ friends and allies. (AFP Photo)]

Washington: Since being sworn in to power, US President Donald Trump has not only ordered an immediate withdrawal of the US from the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement but also issued a travel ban against the citizens of seven Muslim countries.

Trump has been quickly and firmly implementing his campaign promises. He has not only ordered an immediate withdrawal of the US from the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement, but also issued a travel ban against the citizens of seven Muslim countries, and signed an executive order for a wall to be built along the US-Mexico border.

During a phone call with Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, he even ridiculed a refugee agreement reached between the US and Australia under the Barack Obama administration, and reportedly ended the call abruptly.

While Trump has promised a “new deal” in the first 100 days of the presidency, he has already caused much damage in his first ten days, threatening the core checks-and-balances of US democracy. To retaliate against his travel ban, Americans nationwide are protesting against Trump’s radical move.

The Senate minority leader Charles Schumer has called such a trip ban very “un-American, ” and San Francisco and Washington State have launched lawsuits against the president. More than 900 US diplomats have officially lodged their dissent, saying that “such a ban will bring more harm to the US than otherwise.”

The United Nations has also expressed its concern over such a ban. Breaking American tradition not to comment on the present president, former President Obama has just spoken out to defend America’s “core value.”

Trump has not only hurt US relations with the Muslim world, but he has also upset the US’ friends and allies. His disrespect of Australia has invited dissatisfaction from Canberra.

Moreover, his claim that Germany has been “tapping the weak euro” so as to exploit its trade partners, and his comment on Japan’s currency manipulation, have upset these major allies.

Meanwhile, more than a million people in the United Kingdom have voiced their opposition to the UK government inviting Trump to visit, and Mexican President Enrique PeñaNieto has decided to cancel his visit to the US, according to media reports.

Even in the United States, Trump has shown no interest in mending the rifts he is creating. Millions of women have already staged demonstrations throughout America. Trump’s tolerance of the extreme alt-right, the new white supremacy movement, has ignited students’ open opposition at UC Berkeley.

The Democrats are opposed to Trump’s pick for Supreme Court Judge to NeilM. Gorsuch and are pushing for his nomination to be refused.

Actually, in eight days, Trump has managed to make his public approval rating lower than his disapproval rating, setting a record. He may still think all he has done is to put “America first,” but to attain greatness by denying people and the US partners’ legitimate rights will hardly generate sustainable acceptance of American leadership.

In the face of the counter pressure, Trump’s team is reluctantly making adjustments. Thus far, the White House has allowed some 900 of green-card holders from the aforementioned seven Muslim countries to return to the US. It has watered down its enforcement of the travel ban and argued that such a ban is not targeted at all Muslims. No one would reject Trump’s avowed purpose of preventing terrorists from entering the US, but most disagree with his simplistic, disruptive and discriminative immigration policy.

Until now, Trump has refrained from pushing the envelope on China. But in light of his actions over the past two weeks, it is better for Beijing to take Trump’s campaign threats seriously. However, just as his impulsive self-isolationist approach is distancing the US from its allies, any unfair handling of China-US relations will only alienate the US even more from the world.

Remembering that the travel ban has been so unreasonable for the US permanent residents of those Muslim countries from returning, the Trump administration should be mindful that any unilateral, non-cooperative approach to China would only make it “ride a tiger but find it difficult to get off.”

Trump has, time and again, professed that he wanted to conduct fair deals. China welcomes fair business, but it is also against unfair deals.

Source: here.

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