A High-level Qatari Delegation led by Foreign Minister of the State of Qatar Sheikh Mohamed Abdurrahman Jassim Al-Thani is in Addis Ababa for an official visit to the country (December 19-20, 2016).

This morning, the Qatari Foreign Minister held bilateral meeting with Foreign Minister Dr. Workneh Gebeyehu and discussed on a range of issues including strengthening the historic ties between the two countries, widening business and investment exchanges, as well as enhancing cooperation on regional and international issues of mutual interest.

Foreign Minister Dr. Workneh reviewed the long standing and historic ties between Ethiopia and the State of Qatar, commended the agreement reached to establish the Joint Ministerial Commission as well as reiterated the recent High-level visits held between the leaders of the two countries.

He noted the growing partnership of the two countries in the areas of trade, investment, and infrastructure development and called for further strengthening the bilateral cooperation in those areas.

The Minister also noted cooperation in areas including the financing of public and private sectors and investments on the energy sector should further be explored.

Noting that this was his first visit to Ethiopia as well as to Africa, the Foreign Minister of the State of Qatar Sheikh Mohamed Abdurrahman Jassim Al-Thani commended the Government and the people of Ethiopia for the warm Ethiopian hospitality accorded to his delegation.

The Minister stressed Qatar is very much willing to enhance cooperation with Ethiopia in various frontiers.  While welcoming the growing bilateral ties between the the two countries, the Qatari Foreign Minister emphasized on the need to further elevate the investment and economic partnerships.

Ethiopia is growing rapidly, sectors for business and investment ties are widening and the potential for cooperation is high, he added.

The Qatari Foreign Minister also congratulated Ethiopia for being a non-permanent member of the UNSC.

The Minister is expected to meet President Dr. Mulatu Teshome, and Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn later today.

Source: MOFA Ethiopia 

Report reveals 84pc of loans DBE advanced used for intended purposes 

Massive loans poured over the years into commercial farms in the Gambella Regional State have results with 84pc spending on the intended purposes, but with disappointing results of productivity that is a fraction of the investments, a report presented to the Prime Minister’s Office reveals.

The report comes after an investigation into allegations of mismanagement of loans, favoritism and impropriety on the part of recipients surfaced last year.

Many of the allegations were about the subversion of over 3.3 billion Br in loans advanced by the two state owned banks to private investments in the regional state, known to have vast fertile land and lightly populated area in the South-Western part of the country. However, large chunk of these loans were made available by the Development Bank of Ethiopia (DBE), whose long time President, Esayas Bahre, was relived off his position few weeks ago by the Prime Minister’s Office. He was accused of favoring certain group of developers in loans provisions, which were allegedly misused for investments other than commercial agriculture.

Out of a total of 600 developers in Gambella, 200 of them received loans from the DBE and the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia (CBE) to finance 206 projects, and before the DBE suspended loans to the commercial farming sector earlier this year. They were issued with close to five billion Birr in loans, to be disbursed over a certain period of years. Of that amount, DBE provided 2.76 billion Br, while CBE’s share was 587 million Br.

“Most of the allegations have to do with the money being used for unrelated things,” said one commercial farm developer who asked to remain anonymous. “There were rumors that some of the investors used the money to put up buildings here in the capital or abused their duty free privileges.”

There were indeed cases of misuse of funds and abuse of privileges, according to the investigation carried out by a technical committee of 13, composed of members from experts from three ministries, the regional state, the two banks, and two experts from Agricultural Investment & Land Administration Agency. It was under the supervision of another political body, comprising of seven high profile members of the Administration, appointed by Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, in May 2016. Alemayehu Tegenu, a state minister for Agriculture & Industrial Policy & Planning Implementation Supervision, chaired the investigative committee, thus owns the report, which reveals list of inappropriate use of funds.

In one instance, Alemayehu’s report found out that an unnamed developer has brought to the country 78 vehicles abusing a duty free privilege, while another developer has failed to use 498.7tns steel imported, worth over three million Birr, for the purpose of constructing a camp inside the farm.

A significant number of vehicles bought using loans and duty free privileges were used for purposes other than farming, including sales to third parties, says the finding. Of the 189 imported vehicles, all but 33 were nowhere to be found when investigators visited the farms.

But DBE officials find that hard to believe.

“They can’t be sold to third parties,” said a senior manager at the DBE. “The vehicles are supposed to be registered under the DBE. That is unless they were unregistered from the beginning.”

What should be more troubling to the DBE though is a higher percentage of the loans taken as working capital was spent on unrelated purposes. Close to 278 million Br was not spent on the farms, from a total of 1.2 billion Br injected into commercial farms as working capital.

“Although much of the loans were used for their intended purposes, some of the developers have used their loans to purposes that were not aimed for,” says Alemayehu’s report.

However, these and plenty of other misuses represent 16pc of the total loans, reveals the report.

The report, submitted to the Prime Minister, prompted a meeting couple of weeks ago held by Hailemariam and Kebede Chanie, director-general of the Ethiopian Revenues & Customs Authority (ERCA) with presidents of the two banks, officials from the Ministry of Agriculture & Natural Resources, and Gambella Regional State.

They were greeted with a report that disclosed that of the 229,755ha of land conceded to commercial farms developers in eight weredas of the Gambella Regional State, close to half of them began their initial operations and preparations with investments worth two billion Birr remain in project phase.

“There is confusion in the commercial farming industry and elsewhere about how the DBE loans were disbursed,” said a senior banking official at the DBE. “There were some things in the report that could have been explained by DBE’s operators.”

Following the appointment of Getahun Nana to the presidency of the DBE, many meetings have been held to discuss the issue of investments in commercial farms. In one of the meetings with district managers, the new president expressed his confusion on the findings of the Alemayehu’s report. Getahun has called for another detailed study to be conducted, although no details have been announced yet.

Getahun, who has served the central bank for many years prior to his current appointment, was unavailable for comment despite repeated attempts by Fortune.

The Bank he is entrusted with suffers from higher percentage (over 50pc) of non-performing loans from a total of 11.8 billion Br loans and advances it has made in 2015/16. But much of the default comes from its financing of the manufacturing sector, whose share of these loans reaches at close to 60pc. The share of the agricultural sector in default is less than 15pc, according to company sources.

Nonetheless, the Bank’s senior managers and the Administration officials who have made the DBE a policy-bank have a lot to worry about on value for money. Of the 3.35 billion Br the Bank has disbursed, the return on investment was only 6.6pc, exposing that investments in commercial agriculture is not after all a bonanza.

“Productivity in private farming is not profitable; takes longer years to recover the loans; and its contribution to the national economy is insignificant,” Alemayehu’s team passed its verdict in its findings.

Access to land, provisions of loans and advances as well as administration of commercial farming estates are major sources of “rent seeking” where there is a network of middlemen, transacting kickbacks from 50,000 Br to 400,000 Br, disclosed Alemayehu’s report. Unusually, the report has identified the names of 21 middlemen accused of running the network of high-level corrupt individuals.

The investigative report is not without a challenge from the Bank and within the Administration. The criticisms come as a result of the exclusion in the committee of some of the developers or the private sector, while the report suffers from an oversight on those commercial farms which have succeeded. It also skips the profits made at the end of the fiscal year, for the investigation was conducts in the middle of it. It has also failed to identify the role and place of foreign investors in the region such as the now bankrupt Karaturi, an Indian investment, and Saudi Star.

“This report proves to us that there really is a bias against the sector and against us the investors,” said a group of five commercial farm developers who spoke with Fortune on the condition of anonymity, due to the controversy the report now flares.

These are among 231 developers who had applied for loans from the DBE, but were forcibly evicted from their leased properties in Gambella by regional authorities in February 2016. The authorities say that the developers were accidentally given lands that were under federal jurisdiction.

But they are not alone in their challenge to the findings. The Gambella Agricultural Investors’ Cooperative, chaired by Yemane Seifu, sent an email to Fortune, expressing its disappointment over the Alemayehu’s report with no uncertain terms.

“The committee presented a misleading report to the Prime Minister,” said the Cooperative.

BY DAWIT ENDESHAW
FORTUNE STAFF WRITER

Source: http://addisfortune.net/articles/results-from-gambella-commercial-farms-disappointing/

December 19, 2016) – Foreign Minister Dr. Workneh Gebeyehu held discussions with the USAID Administrator Gayle E. Smith on Monday in Addis Ababa.

On the meeting, Dr. Workneh said that USAID has been supporting Ethiopia in different areas and empowering citizens to be more productive.

The Minister underlined that Ethiopian has been working to ensure active participation of society at grass-root level in all socio-economic and political activities of the country.

He pointed out that the government has been building massive infrastructure and expanding development projects to fulfill demands of its citizens and to realize renaissance of the nation.

He also stressed that USAID and Ethiopia could further cooperate in the areas of education, science, technology, entrepreneurship and community development.

The Minister briefed the USAID Administrator, Gayle Smith on current situations in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.

The USAID Administrator, Gayle E. Smith appreciated Ethiopian government’s effort to make socio-economic and political progresses fair, equitable and sustainable.

She stated that USAID will continue its support to Ethiopia and work together to eradicate poverty from the country.

She further emphasized the need to ensure inclusiveness and active participation of the people on all socio-economic and political development of the country.

Source: MoFA

The money transfer business in Kenya is currently estimated at over $4 billion. PHOTO | FILE

BBC World Service Africa editor

Image copyrightMOHAMED ELHAG/TWITTER

Protesters in Sudan are holding a “day of disobedience”. What is it and why are they protesting? BBC World Service Africa editor James Copnall explains.

What are the protesters doing?

Instead of taking to the streets or marching towards a ministry or the presidential palace to express their concerns, as they have done in the past, Sudanese protesters are doing something much simpler – staying at home.

Some students have not gone to their school or university; workers have not turned up at the office; even some government employees have not shown up for work. This tactic of “civil disobedience” has been tried before – in November the protesters held a three day “stay-at-home” strike.

Activists tweeted photos of empty streets and offices, particularly on the first couple of days. By day three, most people were back at work. But the protest was considered to be so successful that the “day of disobedience” is being repeated.

You can follow on social media with hashtags like #SudanCivilDisobedience and #Dec19Disobedience.

What are they upset about?

The trigger for these protests came last month when the Sudanese government imposed a fresh round of austerity measures – at a time when the economy is doing so badly that many Sudanese are struggling to make ends meet.

Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES

The rise in petrol and diesel prices led to an increase in the cost of many basic goods, including medicines. The government eventually backtracked on medicines, because the suffering of sick people struggling to afford the drugs they needed provoked such anger.

For many – but by no means all – of the protesters, another motivation is dislike of President Omar al-Bashir and his government.

Since Mr Bashir seized power in a coup in 1989, Sudan has not known a day of peace and civil wars continue in Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile.

Who is organising the day of disobedience?

This is a very interesting question and one which nobody seems to have an answer for. The initial call to stay at home came on social media, but no organisation or group has said it was responsible.

Image copyrightMOHAMED ELHAG/TWITTER

Instead it seems to have been the work of a number of social media users with no particular affiliation. A large number of bodies have backed the campaign, including opposition parties, cultural organisations and youth groups.

Even a major rebel movement, SPLM-North, has tried to throw its weight behind the demonstration. However most of the protesters seem sceptical of these attempts to join – or shape – their efforts.

How has the government responded?

These protests have clearly rattled the government.

Last week, President Bashir warned “keyboard activists” that they would not be able to overthrow his government and challenged them to take to the streets – a reference to the last major protests in the capital in September 2013.

Image copyrightSTR

The security forces used live ammunition to stop those demonstrations, which were also about austerity measures. Rights groups say as many as 200 people were killed.

This time round, the security forces have used tear gas to break up some demonstrations before and after the first stay-at-home days, and they have arrested several opposition politicians and stopped newspapers from printing stories about the protests.

The government insists it has no choice other than to impose the austerity measures, which have been recommended by the International Monetary Fund. The economy has been crippled by the secession of South Sudan in 2011.

When the South Sudanese declared their independence, they took with them three-quarters of the oil production, leaving a huge hole in Sudan’s finances. The slump in the world oil price has not helped either.

But critics say the economic crisis is also a result of the government’s political failures, including the ongoing civil wars, its insistence on spending so much money on the military and national security and the pervasive corruption.

How significant are these protests?

The civil disobedience campaign has invigorated activists and many who are opposed to the government. Some told me they felt a rare feeling of power – when they are more often used to helplessness – as they saw the empty streets and places of work the first time round in November.

The great strength of a stay-at-home campaign is that people can register their dissent with comparatively little risk. The security forces crack down hard on any street protests, but it is more difficult to stop people from expressing their dissatisfaction by skipping work.

Yet the form of the protest also underscores its limitations, as Mr Bashir himself said, keyboard activists and people sitting around in their homes are unlikely to topple him.

That said, these protests are highlighting the huge frustrations in Sudan and the economic crisis, which people are angry about, is perhaps the greatest threat facing Mr Bashir and his government.

source: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-38364197

Text by James JEFFREY

Latest update : 2016-12-15

Since October, Ethiopia has been withdrawing troops from Somalia. The redeployment highlights problems with the international community’s funding of military operations in Africa.

Since the Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) withdrew its forces, the Islamic insurgency of Al Shabaab has already retaken a number of towns across south and central Somalia.

“AMISOM should be able to do its mission with its quota of 21,000 troops—but it’s not managing it,” said a foreign political adviser in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa who wished to remain anonymous. “AMISOM can’t do anything without those additional Ethiopian troops.”

The withdrawn Ethiopian soldiers made up most of a force of 4,000 that operated outside of — but provided crucial support to — the multi-African AMISOM mission, which already includes an additional 4,000 Ethiopia troops.

“Ethiopian troops know the land, they’re used to the temperatures, they are the only ones who have previous experience fighting both guerrilla and conventional warfare,” said an Ethiopian Horn of Africa political analyst, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Ethiopian troops crucial

The Ethiopian troops outside of AMISOM, however, didn’t qualify for any of the international funding or UN-backed logistical support that AMISOM receives.

General Samora Yunis, chief of staff of the ENDF, had been saying for months that the army couldn’t sustain the cost of the Ethiopian contingents that were not integrated with AMISOM troops.

But the international community wasn’t willing to pay more than what it was already shelling out for AMISOM — each contributing country receives $1,028 per soldier per month — and for logistical support.

“It wasn’t just the money,” said the Ethiopian political analyst. “The Ethiopian government felt it didn’t have the diplomatic support it should have and that its efforts hadn’t been recognised.”

At the same time, Ethiopia’s state of emergency did have an influence, the analyst noted, although not in the way most assumed.

“The unrest was making those non-AMISOM troops more expensive for Ethiopia, as its foreign direct investment has been hit and its foreign exchange reserves are decreasing,” he said.

The last 600 of Ethiopia’s non-AMISOM troops still in Somalia will be pulled out after Somalia’s ongoing parliamentary election, leaving AMISOM to soldier on amid increasing difficulties.

Taking the fight to Al Shabaab

The UN Security Council voted unanimously last July to renew AMISOM’s mandate to help stabilise the country and facilitate the electoral process.

“In Somalia there’s no peace to keep,” said a security analyst with an international organization in Addis Ababa, who spoke on condition of anonymity. “So the UN is doing something out of its comfort zone, as it doesn’t have a warfighting logistics mechanism.”

Precise figures of AMISOM fatalities are unknown because contributing countries do not release numbers. But estimates range between 1,000 and 2,000 troops killed in operations.

“Ethiopian troops are the main ones that are mobile and taking the fight to Al Shabaab, while the rest of AMISOM usually stay in Mogadishu or a few major bases,” said the Ethiopian political analyst.
‘Militarily effective, politically toxic’

“The ENDF intervention in 2006 was what created Al Shabaab as we know it today,” said peace and security expert Paul Williams, visiting professor at the Institute for Peace and Security Studies at Addis Ababa University.

“[Ethiopia invaded Somalia in 2006] and it moved them from a fringe element of the Union of Islamic Courts to the dominant force whose ranks were swelled by anti-Ethiopian vitriol.”

During two years of fighting between Ethiopian troops and insurgents, more than one million people, mainly from Mogadishu, were displaced, according to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees.

Furthermore, an estimated 10,000 civilians were killed, with Ethiopian troops accused by local and international human rights organizations of committing atrocities against civilians and indiscriminate bombardment of built-up residential areas.

Some question the extent of such accusations, but a tangible legacy appears to remain.

“ENDF troops are militarily effective against Al Shabaab but potentially politically toxic with the local population, especially the further they move from the Ethiopian border,” Williams said.

State building

Somalia and Afghanistan are of similar sizes, noted Paul Williams. And, yet, the amounts of money and numbers of international troops that went into Afghanistan is significantly larger compared to Somalia.

“The appetite in the West to spend more money in Somalia is limited — we are not personally invested like we were with Afghanistan,” he said. “It’s other countries’ armies.”

At the same time, he notes, Europe “has shouldered a huge amount of the burden with Somalia”. AMISOM has garnered about €1.25 billion of the European Union’s African Peace Facility initiative since it was set up in 2007.

Now, however, there appear to be increasing worries that all the blood and treasure sacrificed over the last decade may not leave Somalia with the self-sufficiency it needs to be a viable nation state.

“Even with the extra Ethiopian troops, AMISOM can’t take and hold territory,” the foreign security analyst said. “That’s only going to happen with Somali troops and police assisting—and they’re not ready yet.”

source: France 24